»  LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE 
UNITED  STATES. 

ADDRESSES 

BY 

ELIHU  ROOT  )1a.<-*--^ 


COLLECTED  AND  EDITED  BY 

ROBERT  BACON 

AND 

JAMES  BROWN  SCOTT 


Au 


CAMBRTOGE 
•  HARVARD  UNIVERSITY  PRESS 

•    LONDON:   HUMPHREY  MILFORD 
•  OxrouD  Ukivebsitt  Pkxm 

1917 


.*   A 


T7 


COPYRIGHT,  1917 
HABVABD  UNIVEBSITY  PRESS 


^b 


-l1%7 


CONTENTS 


PAGB 

Introductory  Note ix 

Foreword xiii 

SPEECHES  IN  BRAZIL 

Rio  de  JANErao 

At  the  Third  Conference  of  the  American  Republics: 

His  Excellenct  Joaquim  Nabuoo,  President  of  the  Conference  8 

Mr.  Root,  Honorary  President 6 

Mr.  Mariano  Cornejo,  Delegate  from  Peru 11 

Honorable  A.  J.  Montague,  Delegate  from  the  United  States  .  IS 

His  Excellency  Baron  do  Rio  Branco,  Honorary  President   .  13 

At  the  Banquet  of  the  Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs: 

His  Excellency  Baron  do  Rio  Branco 14 

Mr.  Root ^ 15 

Dr.  James  Dabcy 16 

Mr.  Root 17 

In  the  Federal  Senate: 

Senator  Ruy  Barbosa      19 

Senator  Alfredo  Elus 28 

In  the  Chamber  of  Deputies: 

Dr.  Paula  Gutmaraeb 80 

Mr,  Root 31 

Sao  Paulo 

At  a  Mass-Meeting  of  Law  School  Students: 

Mr.  Thbodomiro  de  Camargo 35 

Mr.  Galaor  Nazareth  de  Arujo 36 

Mr.  Gama,  Jr 36 

Mr.  Root 38 

At  a  Football  Game:*--^ 
Mr.  Root 40 

Santos 

At  the  Commercial  Association: 

Dr.  Rezende 41 

Ur.  Root 4« 

iii 


*'fr*?o-.7 


iv  CONTENTS 

Para 

At  a  Breakfast  given  by  the  Governor: 

His  Excellency  Augusto  Montenegro 45 

Mr.  Root 45 

Pernambuco 

At  a  Breakfast  given  by  the  Governor: 
Summary  of  Speech  of  His  Excellency  Sigismundo  Gon^alvez      47 
Mr.  Root 47 

Bahia 

At  a  Banquet  given  by  the  Governor: 

His  Excellency  Jos£  Marcelino  de  Souza 48 

Mr.  Root 50 

Senator  Ruy  Barbosa 52 

SPEECHES  IN  URUGUAY 

Mojttevideo 

At  a  Banquet  of  the  Minister  for  Foreign  AfiFairs: 

His  Excellency  Jos6  Romeu 55 

Mr.  Root  . 58 

At  a  Banquet  given  by  the  President  of  Uruguay: 

His  Excellency  Jos]&  Batlle  y  Ordo^Jez 60 

Mr.  Root 63 

At  a  Breakfast  by  the  Reception  Committee: 

Dr.  Zorrilla  de  San  MartIn 65 

Mr.  Root 69 

SPEECHES  IN  ARGENTINA 

Buenos  Ayres 

In  the  Chamber  of  Deputies: 
Honorable  Emilio  Mitre 73 

At  a  Banquet  given  by  the  President  of  Argentina: 

His  Excellency  J.  Figueroa  Alcorta 81 

Mr.  Root 84 

At  a  Reception  by  American  and  English  Residents: 

Mr.  Francis  B.  Purdie 86 

Mr.  Root 90 

At  a  Banquet  at  the  Opera  House: 

Dr.  Luis  M.  Drago 93 

Mr.  Root 97 

SPEECHES  IN  CHILE 

Santiago 

At  the  Government  House: 

His  Excellency  Jerman  Riesco 103 

Mr.  Root 103 


CONTENTS  V 

At  a  Banquet  given  by  the  President  of  Chile: 

His  Excellency  Antonio  Huneeus 104 

Mb.  Root 109 

SPEECHES  IN  PERU 
Lima 

At  a  Banquet  ^ven  by  the  President  of  Peru: 

His  Excellency  Jos£  Pardo  y  Barreda 113 

Mr.  Root 114 

Banquet  of  the  Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs: 

His  Excellency  Javier  Prado  y  Ugartechb 116 

Mr.  Root 123 

Reception  at  the  Municipal  Council: 

Dr.  Federico  Elguera     127 

Mr.  Root 129 

At  an  Extraordinary  Session  of  the  Senate: 

Senator  Barriob 130 

Mr.  Root 132 

University  of  San  Marcos: 

Dr.  Luis  F.  VillarAn 133 

Dr.  Ram6n  Ribeyro 186 

Mr.  Root 140 

SPEECHES  IN  PANAMA 
Panama 

In  the  National  Assembly: 

His  Excellency  Ricardo  Arias 145 

Mr.  Root 148 

SPEECHES  IN  COLOMBIA 
Cartagena 

At  a  Breakfast  by  the  Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs: 

His  Excellency  Vasquez-Cobo 153 

Mr.  Root 154 

THE  VISIT  TO  MEXICO 

San  Antonio,  Texas 

At  a  Banquet  by  the  International  Club: 
Mr.  Root 159 

NuEVO  Laredo 

General  Pedro  Rinc6n  Gallardo 161 

Mr.  Root 162 

City  of  Mexico 

At  a  Banquet  at  the  National  Palace: 

Presidejtf  Diaz 162 

Mr.  Root 164 


VI  CONTENTS 

At  a  Reception  at  the  Municipal  Palace: 

Governor  Gtjillermo  de  Landa  y  Escand6n .165 

Mr.  Root 167 

Reception  by  the  Chamber  of  Deputies: 

Licentiate  Manuel  Calero 168 

Mr.  Root 174 

Luncheon  by  the  American  Colony: 

General  C.  H.  M.  y  Agramonte 177 

Mr.  Root 179 

Mexican  Academy  of  Legislation  and  Jurisprudence: 
Licentiate  Luis  Mend^z' 181 

LICENTLA.TE  JOAQufN  D.   CasASUS 184 

Mr.  Root 188 

Banquet  of  the  American  Ambassador: 

Ambassador  Thompson 192 

Vice-President  Corral 192 

Mr.  Root 193 

LicENciADO  Don  Jos£  Ives  Limantour 195 

Banquet  of  the  Minister  for  Foreign  AflFairs: 

Licentiate  Ignacio  Mariscal ?.98 

Mr.  Root 199 

Farewell  Supper  given  by  Mr.  Root: 

Mr.  Root 202 

Vice-President  Corral 203 

Puebla 

At  the  Governor's  Banquet  at  the  Municipal  Palace: 

General  Mucio  P.  Martinez 204 

Mr.  Root 205 

Orizaba 

Luncheon  at  the  Cocolopan  Factory: 

Governor  D.  Teodoro  A.  Dehesa 206 

Mr.  Root 206 

Guadalajara 

Governor  Ahumada 208 

Mr.  Root 209 

ADDRESSES  IN  THE  UNITED  STATES  ON  LATIN 
AMERICAN  RELATIONS 

The  Central  American  Peace  Conference 213 

Opening  Address,  Washington,  D.  C,  December  13, 1907.    .    .    .     214! 
Closing  Address,  Washington,  December  20,  1907 2-17 


CONTENTS  vii 

The  Pan  American  Cause 219 

Response  to  the  Toast  of  the  Ambassador  of  Brazil  at  a  dinner  in 
honor  of  the  Rear-Admiral  and  Captains  of  visiting  Brazilian 
ships,  Washington,  D.  C,  May  18,  1907 

*^e  Pan  American  Union 22S 

Address  at  the  laying  of  the  comer  stone  of  the  building  for  the 

Pan  American  Union,  Washington,  D.  C,  May  11,  1908  ...     228 
Address  at  the  dedication  of  the  building,  Washington,  D.  C, 

April  26,  1910 231 

Our  Sister  Repubuc — Argentina 235 

Address  at  a  Banquet  of  the  Chamber  of  Commerce,  New  York, 
April  28,  1893 

OuB  Sister  Repubuc  —  Brazil 239 

Address  at  a  Banquet  of  the  Chamber  of  Commerce,  New  York, 
June  18,  1913 

How  to  Develop  South  American  Commerce 245 

Address  before  the  Trans-Mississippi  Commercial  Congress, 
Kansas  City,  Missouri,  November  20, 1906 

South  American  Commerce 269 

Address  at  the  National  Convention  for  the  Extension  of  the 
Foreign  Commerce  of  the  United  States,  Washington,  D.  C, 
January  14,  1907 

Individual  Effort  in  Trade  Expantion 283 

Address  at  the  Pan  American  Commercial  Conference,  Wash- 
ington, D.  C.  February  17, 1911 

The  Second  Pan  American  Scientific  Congress 291 

Address  of  Welcome,  Washington,  D.  C,  December  30,  1915 


INTRODUCTORY  NOTE 

The  collected  addresses  and  state  papers  of  Elihu  Root,  of 
which  this  is  one  of  several  volumes,  cover  the  period  of  his 
service  as  Secretary  of  War,  as  Secretary  of  State,  and  as 
Senator  of  the  United  States,  during  which  time,  to  use  his 
own  expression,  his  only  client  was  his  country. 

The  many  formal  and  occasional  addresses  and  speeches, 
which  will  be  found  to  be  of  a  remarkably  wide  range,  are 
followed  by  his  state  pajjers,  such  as  the  instructions  to 
the  American  delegates  to  the  Second  Hague  Peace  Confer- 
ence and  other  diplomatic  notes  and  documents,  prepared 
by  him  as  Secretary  of  State  in  the  performance  of  his  duties 
as  an  executive  oflScer  of  the  United  States.  Although  the 
official  documents  have  been  kept  separate  from  the  other 
papers,  this  plan  has  been  slightly  modified  in  the  volume 
devoted  to  the  military  and  colonial  policy  of  the  United 
States,  which  includes  those  portions  of  his  official  reports  as 
Secretary'  of  War  throwing  light  upon  his  public  addresses  and 
his  general  military  policy. 

The  addresses  and  sf>eeches  selected  for  publication  are 
not  arranged  chronologically,  but  are  classified  in  such  a  way 
that  each  volume  contains  addresses  and  speeches  relating 
to  a  general  subject  and  a  common  purpose.  The  addresses 
as  president  of  the  American  Society  of  International  Law 
show  his  treatment  of  international  questions  from  the 
theoretical  standpoint,  and  in  the  light  of  his  experience  as 
Secretary  of  War  and  as  Secretary  of  State,  unrestrained  and 
uncontrolled  by  the  limitations  of  official  position,  whereas 
his  addresses  on  foreign  affairs,  delivered  while  Secretary  of 
State  or  as  United  States  Senator,  discuss  these  questions 
under  the  reserve  of  official  responsibility. 


X  INTRODUCTORY  NOTE 

Mr.  Root's  addresses  on  government,  citizenship,  and/ 
legal  procedure  are  a  masterly  exposition  of  the  principles 
of  the  Constitution  and  of  the  government  established  by 
it;  of  the  duty  of  the  citizen  to  understand  the  Constitu- 
tion and  to  conform  his  conduct  to  its  requirements;  and 
of  the  right  of  the  people  to  reform  or  to  amend  the  Con- 
stitution in  order  to  make  representative  government  more 
effective  and  responsive  to  their  present  and  future  needs. 
The  addresses  on  law  and  its  administration  state  how  legal 
procedure  should  be  modified  and  simplified  in  the  interest 
of  justice  rather  than  in  the  supposed  interest  of  the  legal 
profession. 

The  addresses  delivered  during  the  trip  to  South  America^ 
and  Mexico  in  1906,  and  in  the  United  States  after  his  return, 
with  their  message  of  good  will,  proclaim  a  new  doctrine  — 
the  Root  doctrine  —  of  kindly  consideration  and  of  honorable 
obligation,  and  make  clear  the  destiny  common  to  the 
peoples  of  the  Western  World. 

The  addresses  and  the  reports  on  military  and  colonial 
policy  made  by  Mr.  Root  as  Secretary  of  War  explain  the 
reorganization  of  the  army  after  the  Spanish-American  War, 
the  creation  of  the  General  Staff,  and  the  establishment  of  the 
Army  War  College.  They  trace  the  origin  of  and  give  the 
reason  for  the  policy  of  this  country  in  Cuba,  the  Philippines, 
and  Porto  Rico,  devised  and  inaugurated  by  him.  It  is  not 
generally  known  that  the  so-called  Piatt  Amendment, 
defining  our  relations  to  Cuba,  was  drafted  by  Mr.  Root,  and 
that  the  Organic  Act  of  the  Philippines  was  likewise  the  work 
of  Mr.  Root  as  Secretary  of  War. 

The  argument  before  The  Hague  Tribunal  in  the  North 
Atlantic  Fisheries  Case  is  a  rare  if  not  the  only  instance  of  a 
statesman  appearing  as  chief  counsel  in  an  international 
arbitration,  which,  as  Secretary  of  State,  he  had  prepared 
and  submitted. 


INTRODUCTORY  NOTE  xi 

The  political,  educational,  historical,  and  commemorative 
speeches  and  addresses  should  make  known  to  future  genera- 
tions the  hterarj",  artistic,  and  emotional  side  of  a  statesman 
of  our  time,  and  the  pubHcation  of  these  collected  addresses 
and  state  papers  will,  it  is  believed,  enable  the  American 
people  better  to  understand  the  generation  in  which  Mr.  Root 
has  been  a  commanding  figure  and  better  to  appreciate 
during  his  lifetime  the  services  which  he  has  rendered  to 
his  country. 

Robert  Bacon. 

James  Brown  Scott. 
April  15,  1916. 


FOREWORD 

The  visit  of  the  Secretary  of  State  to  South  America  in  1906  was  not  a 
summer  outing.  It  was  not  an  ordinary  event;  it  was  and  it  was  intended 
to  be  a  matter  of  international  importance.  It  was  the  first  time  that  a 
Secretary  of  State  had  visited  South  America  during  the  tenure  of  his 
office,  and  the  visit  was  designed  to  show  the  importance  which  the  United 
States  attaches  to  the  Pan  American  conferences,  and  by  personal  contact 
to  learn  the  aims  and  views  of  our  southern  friends,  and  to  show  also,  by 
personal  intercourse,  the  kindly  consideration  and  the  sense  of  honorable 
obligation  which  the  Government  of  the  United  States  cherishes  for  its 
neighbors  to  the  south  without  discriminating  among  them,  and  to  make 
clear  the  destiny  common  to  the  peoples  of  the  western  world.  These  were 
the  reasons  which  prompted  Mr.  Root  to  undertake  this  message  of  good 
will  and  of  frank  explanation,  and  these  were  also  the  reasons  which 
caused  the  President  of  the  United  States  in  his  message  to  Congress  to 
dwell  upon  the  visit,  itaiaeidents  and  its  consequences.  Thus  President 
Roosevelt  said  in  his  mesMige  of  December  3,  1906: 

The  Second  International  Conference  of  American  Republics,  held 
in  Mexico  in  the  years  1901-02,  provided  for  the  holding  of  the  third 
conference  within  five  years,  and  committed  the  fixing  of  the  time 
and  place  and  the  arrangements  for  the  conference  to  the  governing 
board  of  the  Bureau  of  American  Republics,  composed  of  the  repre- 
sentatives of  all  the  American  nations  in  Washington.  That  board 
discharged  the  duty  imposed  upon  it  with  marked  fidelity  and  pains- 
taking care,  and  upon  the  courteous  invitation  of  the  United  States 
of  Brazil,  the  conference  was  held  at  Rio  de  Janeiro,  continuing  from 
the  twenty-third  of  July  to  the  twenty-ninth  of  August  last.  Many 
subjects  of  common  interest  to  all  the  American  nations  were  discussed 
by  the  conference,  and  the  conclusions  reached,  embodied  in  a  series 
of  resolutions  and  proposed  conventions,  will  be  laid  before  you  upon 
the  coming-in  of  the  final  report  of  the  American  delegates.  They 
contain  many  matters  of  importance  relating  to  the  extension  of 
trade,  the  increase  of  communication,  the  smoothing  away  of  barriers 
to  free  intercourse,  and  the  promotion  of  a  better  knowledge  and  good 
understanding  between  the  different  countries  represented.  The 
meetings  of  the  conference  were  harmonious  and  the  conclusions  were 
reached  with  substantial  unanimity.    It  is  interesting  to  observe  that 


xiv  FOREWORD 

in  the  successive  conferences  which  have  been  held  the  representatives 
of  the  different  American  nations  have  been  learning  to  work  together 
effectively,  for,  while  the  First  Conference  in  Washington  in  1889, 
and  the  Second  Conference  in  Mexico  in  1901-02,  occupied  many- 
months,  with  much  time  wasted  in  an  unregulated  and  fruitless  dis- 
cussion, the  Third  Conference  at  Rio  exhibited  much  of  the  facility 
in  the  practical  dispatch  of  business  which  characterizes  permanent 
deliberative  bodies,  and  completed  its  labors  within  the  period  of  six 
weeks  originally  allotted  for  its  sessions. 

i  Quite  apart  from  the  specific  value  of  the  conclusions  reached  by 
the  conference,  the  example  of  the  representatives  of  all  the  American 
nations  engaging  in  harmonious  and  kindly  consideration  and  dis- 
cussion of  subjects  of  common  interest  is  itself  of  great  and  substantial 
value  for  the  promotion  of  reasonable  and  considerate  treatment  of  all 
international  questions.  The  thanks  of  this  country  are  due  to  the 
Government  of  Brazil  and  to  the  people  of  Rio  de  Janeiro  for  the  gener- 
ous hospitality  with  which  our  delegates,  in  common  with  the  others, 
were  received,  entertained,  and  facilitated  in  their  work. 

Incidentally  to  the  meeting  of  the  conference,  the  Secretary  of 
State  visited  the  city  of  Rio  de  Janeiro  and  was  cordially  received 
by  the  conference,  of  which  he  was  made  an  honorary  president. 
The  announcement  of  his  intention  to  make  this  visit  was  followed 
by  most  courteous  and  urgent  invitations  from  nearly  all  the  countries 
of  South  America  to  visit  them  as  the  guest  of  their  Governments, 
It  was  deemed  that  by  the  acceptance  of  these  invitations  we  might 
appropriately  express  the  real  respect  and  friendship  in  which  we 
hold  our  sister  repubhcs  of  the  southern  continent,  and  the  Secretary, 
accordingly,  visited  Brazil,  Uruguay,  Argentina,  Chile,  Peru,  Panama, 
and  Colombia.  He  refrained  from  visiting  Paraguay,  Bolivia,  and 
Ecuador  only  because  the  distance  of  their  capitals  from  the  seaboard 
made  it  impracticable  with  the  time  at  his  disposal.  He  carried  with 
him  a  message  of  peace  and  friendship,  and  of  strong  desire  for  good 
understanding  and  mutual  helpfulness;  and  he  was  everywhere 
received  in  the  spirit  of  his  message.  The  members  of  government, 
the  press,  the  learned  professions,  the  men  of  business,  and  the  great 
masses  of  the  people  united  everywhere  in  emphatic  response  to  his 
friendly  expressions  and  in  doing  honor  to  the  country  and  cause  which 
he  represented. 

In  many  parts  of  South  America  there  has  been  much  misunder- 
standing of  the  attitude  anApu-poses  of  the  United  States  toward 
the  other  American  repuMrcsT  An  idea  had  become  prevalent  that 
our  assertion  of  the  Monroe  Doctrine  implied,  or  carried  with  it,  an 
assumption  of  superiority,  and  of  a  right  to  exercise  some  kind  of 


FOREWORD  XV 

protectorate  over  the  countries  to  whose  territory  that  doctrine 
applies.  Nothing  could  be  farther  from  the  truth.  Yet  that  im- 
pression continued  to  be  a  serious  barrier  to  good  understanding,  to 
friendly  intercourse,  to  the  introduction  of  American  capital  and 
the  extension  of  American  trade.  The  impression  was  so  widespread 
that  apparently  it  could  not  be  reached  by  any  ordinary  means. 

It  was  part  of  Secretary  Root's  mission  to  dispel  this  unfounded 
impression,  and  there  is  just  cause  to  beheve  that  he  has  succeeded. 
In  an  address  to  the  Third  Conference  at  Rio  on  the  thirty-first  of 
July  —  an  address  of  such  note  that  I  send  it  in,  together  with  this 
message  —  he  said : 

We  wish  for  no  victories  but  those  of  peace;  for  no  territory  except 
our  own;  for  no  sovereignty  except  the  sovereignty  over  ourselves. 
We  deem  the  independence  and  equal  rights  of  the  smallest  and 
weakest  member  of  the  family  of  nations  entitled  to  as  much  respect 
as  those  of  the  greatest  empire,  and  we  deem  the  observance  of  that 
respect  the  chief  guaranty  of  the  weak  against  the  oppression  of  the 
strong.  We  neither  claim  nor  desire  any  rights  or  privileges  or  powers 
that  we  do  not  freely  concede  to  every  American  republic^^,^ 

These  words  appear  to  have  been  received  with  acclaim  in  every 
part  of  South  America.  They  have  my  hearty  approval,  as  I  am  sure 
they  will  have  yours,  and  I  cannot  be  wrong  in  the  conviction  that 
they  correctly  represent  the  sentiments  of  the  whole  American  people. 
I  cannot  better  characterize  the  true  attitude  of  the  United  States 
in  its  assertion  of  the  Monroe  Doctrine  than  in  the  words  of  the 
distinguished  former  Minister  of  Foreign  AflFairs  of  Argentina,  Doctor 
Drago,  in  his  speech  welcoming  Mr.  Root  at  Buenos  Ayres.  He 
spoke  of  — 

the  traditional  policy  of  the  United  States,  which,  without  accen- 
tuating superiority  or  seeking  preponderance,  condemned  the  oppres- 
sion of  the  nations  of  this  part  of  the  world  and  the  control  of  their 
destinies  by  the  Great  Powers  of  Europe. 

It  is  gratifying  to  know  that  in  the  great  city  of  Buenos  Ayres, 
upon  the  arches  which  spanned  the  streets,  entwined  with  Argentine 
and  American  flags  for  the  reception  of  our  representative,  there  were 
emblazoned  not  only  the  names  of  Washington  and  JeflFerson  and 
Marshall,  but  also,  in  appreciative  recognition  of  their  services  to  the 
cause  of  South  American  independence,  the  names  of  James  Monroe, 
John  Quincy  Adams,  Henry  Clay,  and  Richard  Rush.  We  take 
especial  pleasure  in  the  graceful  courtesy  of  the  Government  of  Brazil, 
which  has  given  to  the  beautiful  and  stately  building  first  used  for 
the  meeting  of  the  conference  the  name  of  **  Palacio  Monroe.**  Our 
grateful  acknowledgments  are  due  to  the  Governments  and  the 
people  of  all  the  countries  visited  by  the  Secretary  of  State,  for  the 


xvi  FOREWORD 

courtesy,  the  friendship,  and  the  honor  shown  to  our  country  in  their 

generous  hospitality  to  him. 
In  view  of  the  statements  made  by  Mr.  Root  himself  in  his  various 
addresses,  and  in  view  of  President  Roosevelt's  statement  of  them,  and  of 
the  results  of  the  visit,  it  does  not  seem  necessary  further  to  detain  the 
reader.  It  is,  however,  proper  to  call  attention  to  the  fact  that,  in  addition 
to  the  speeches  delivered  by  Mr.  Root  in  South  America,  which  were  pub- 
lished by  the  Government  of  the  United  States  in  an  oflScial  volume,  the 
reader  will  find  Mr.  Root's  addresses  during  a  visit  to  Mexico  which  he 
made  in  1906,  upon  his  return  from  South  America;  Mr.  Root's  addresses 
before  the  Central  American  Peace  Conference,  which  met  in  Washington 
in  the  fall  of  1907;  and  the  various  addresses  which  Mr.  Root  made  in  the 
United  States  in  his  official  and  unofficial  capacity,  explaining  to  his  coun- 
trymen the  aims  and  aspirations  of  the  American  peoples  to  the  south  of 
our  own  Republic,  the  progress  they  have  made  since  their  emancipation 
from  European  tutelage,  and  the  future  before  them  which,  like  ripening 
fruits,  they  need  only  stretch  forth  the  hand  to  pluck.  The  undiscovered 
land  —  for  to  many  of  us  it  is  unknown  —  is  a  land  of  exquisite  beauty, 
grace  and  courtesy,  which  the  reader  may  here  visit,  if  he  choose,  in  com- 
pany with  Mr.  Root. 


Mr.  Root's  addresses  on  his  South  American  trip  were  all  in  English. 
The  addresses  of  welcome  and  congratulation  were  in  the  language  of  the 
country  in  which  they  were  delivered.  They  appear  in  translated  form  in 
the  present  volume,  and  attention  is  called  to  the  fact  that  they  are  trans- 
lations, in  order  to  relieve  the  speakers  of  responsibility  for  any  infelicities 
of  expression  in  their  English  form. 


LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE 
UNITED  STATES 


BRAZIL 

THE  THIRD  CONFERENCE  OF  THE  AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 
RIO  DE  JANEIRO,  JULY  31,  1906 

As  Secretary  of  State  Mr.  Root  was  ex-officio  chanrman  of  the  (Governing  Board 
of  the  Bureau  of  American  Republics,  now  called  the  Pan  American  Union.  As 
chairman,  he  took  a  very  great  interest  in  considering  and  arranging  the  program 
of  the  third  conference  which  was  to  meet  in  Rio  de  Janeiro  on  July  23,  1906. 
Indeed,  he  was  so  deeply  interested  in  the  conference  of  the  American  republics 
upon  the  eve  of  the  meeting  of  the  Second  Hague  Peace  Conference,  that  he  decided 
to  visit  Rio  de  Janeiro  during  the  meeting  of  the  conference.  The  American  repub- 
lics welcomed  this  decision  as  soon  as  it  was  made  known  and  ui^ed  him  to  visit 
them,  and  it  was  with  great  regret  that  Mr.  Root  found  himself  unable  to  visit  all  of 
the  republics.  He  was  made  honorary  president  of  the  conference  and  in  that 
capacity  delivered  the  following  address. 

It  is  proper  to  state,  in  this  connection,  that  all  the  American  republics  were 
invited  to  attend  and  to  participate  in  the  Second  Hague  Peace  Conference  and  that 
the  Conference  was  set  for  1906.  Mr.  Root  was  unwilling  that  either  conference 
should  interfere  with  the  other,  and  through  his  intervention  with  the  European 
Powers  the  Second  Hague  Peace  Conference  was  postponed  to  the  summer  of  1907, 
in  order  not  to  interfere  with  the  Pan  American  Conference  held  at  Rio  de  Janeiro 
in  the  summer  of  1906,  and  the  participation  of  the  American  republics  in  that 
conference.  Only  three  American  republics  were  invited  to  the  First  Hague  Peace 
Conference,  namely,  Brazil,  Mexico,  and  the  United  States.  Through  the  efforts  of 
the  United  States,  and  particularly  through  Mr.  Root's  efforts  as  Secretary  of  State, 
all  of  the  American  republics  were  invited  to  the  Second  Hague  Peace  Conference. 

The  noble  passage  in  Mr.  Root's  address  as  honorary  president  of  the  conference, 
proclaiming  the  equality  of  American  states,  and  quoted  by  President  Roosevelt  in 
his  message  to  Congress,  reproduced  in  the  preface  to  this  volimie,  was  constantly 
referred  to  by  Latin  American  delegates  in  the  Hague  Peace  Conference,  and  was 
quoted  by  Mr.  Ruy  Barbosa,  the  Brazilian  delegate,  who  added,  "  These  words 
reverberated  through  the  length  and  the  breadth  of  our  continent,  as  the  American 
evangel  of  peace  and  of  justice."  * 

Speech  of  His  Excellency  Joaquim  Nabuco 

AMBAaaADOR  EXTRAORDINABT   AND  PLENIPOTENTIARY  FROM  THE  UnITED  StATES 

or  Brazil  to  the  United  States  of  America,  President  of 
THE  Conference 

YOU  do  not  come  here  tonight  as  a  stranger  to  take  your 
place  as  an  honorary  president  of  this  conference.  You 
were  the  first  to  express  a  desire  that  the  conference  should 
meet  this  year;  it  was  you  who,  in  Washington,  brought  to  a 

^  Deuxiime  Conference  de  la  Paix,  Vol.  II,  p.  644. 

S 


4  .     .LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

happy  conclusion  the  difficult  elaboration  of  its  program  and 
of  its  rules.  Neither  can  we  forget  that  at  one  time  you 
expected  to  be  one  of  us,  a  plan  you  abandoned  in  order  that 
you  might  divide  your  time  among  all  the  republics  that 
claimed  the  honor  of  your  visit.  The  meeting  of  this  con- 
ference is  thus  to  a  great  extent  your  own  work.  In  nothing 
else  since  you  came  to  your  high  post  have  you  taken  a  more 
direct  and  personal  interest.  You  seem  to  divine  in  the  spirit 
that  animates  you  with  regard  to  our  continent  the  mark  that 
your  name  will  leave  in  history. 

I  believe  that  you  and  the  conference  understand  each 
other  fully.  The  periodical  meeting  of  this  body,  exclusively 
composed  of  American  nations,  assuredly  means  that 
America  forms  a  political  system  separate  from  that  of 
Europe  —  a  constellation  with  its  own  distinct  orbit. 

By  aiming,  however,  at  a  common  civilization  and  by 
trying  to  make  of  the  space  we  occupy  on  the  globe  a  vast 
neutral  zone  of  peace,  we  are  working  for  the  benefit  of  the 
whole  world.  In  this  way  we  offer  to  the  population,  to  the 
wealth,  and  to  the  genius  of  Europe  a  much  wider  and  safer 
field  of  action  in  our  hemisphere  than  if  we  formed  a  dis- 
united continent,  or  if  we  belonged  to  the  belligerent  camps 
into  which  the  Old  World  may  become  divided.  One  point 
specially  will  be  of  great  interest  for  you,  who  so  heartily 
desire  the  success  of  this  work.  The  conference  is  convinced 
that  its  mission  is  not  to  force  any  nation  belonging  to  it  to 
do  anything  she  would  not  be  freely  prepared  to  do  upon  her 
own  initiative;  we  all  recognize  that  its  sole  function  is  to 
impart  our  collective  sanction  to  what  has  already  become 
unanimous  in  the  opinion  of  the  whole  continent. 

This  is  the  first  time,  sir,  that  an  American  Secretary  of 
State  officially  visits  a  foreign  nation,  and  we  all  feel  happy 
that  the  first  visit  was  to  Latin  America.  You  will  find 
everywhere  the  same  admiration  for  your  great  country, 


BRAZIL  5 

whose  influence  in  the  advance  of  moral  culture,  of  political 
liberty,  and  of  international  law  has  begun  already  to  coun- 
terbalance that  of  the  rest  of  the  world.  Mingled  with  that 
admiration  you  will  also  find  the  sentiment  that  you  could 
not  rise  without  raising  with  you  our  whole  continent;  that 
in  everything  you  achieve  we  shall  have  our  share  of 
progress. 

There  are  few  rolls  of  honor  so  brilliant  in  history  as  that 
of  men  who  have  occupied  your  high  position.  Among  them 
any  distinction  on  the  ground  of  their  merits  would  be  fated 
to  be  unjust;  a  few  names,  however,  that  shine  more  vividly 
in  history,  such  as  those  of  Jefferson,  Monroe,  Webster,  Clay, 
Seward,  and  Blaine  —  the  latter  the  creator  of  these  con- 
ferences —  suffice  to  show  abroad  that  the  United  States 
have  always  been  as  proud  of  the  perfection  of  the  mould  in 
which  their  Secretaries  of  State  have  been  cast  and  as  zealous 
in  this  respect  as  they  have  been  in  the  case  of  their  Presi- 
dents. We  fully  appreciate  the  luster  added  to  this  con- 
ference by  the  part  you  take  in  it  tonight.  It  is  with  sincere 
gratification  that  we  welcome  you.  Here,  you  may  be  sure, 
you  are  surrounded  by  the  respect  of  our  whole  continent  for 
your  great  nation;  for  President  Roosevelt,  who  has  shown 
himself  during  his  term  of  office,  and  will  ever  remain,  what- 
ever position  he  may  choose  to  occupy  in  public  life,  one  of 
the  leaders  of  mankind;  and  for  yourself,  whose  sound 
sense  of  justice  and  whose  sincere  interest  in  the  welfare  of 
all  American  nations  reflect  the  noblest  inspiration  that 
animated  the  greatest  of  your  predecessors. 

This  voyage  of  yours  demonstrates  practically  to  the  whole 
world  your  good  faith  as  a  statesman  and  your  broad  sym- 
pathy as  an  American;  it  shows  the  conscientiousness  and 
the  care  with  which  you  wish  to  place  before  the  President 
and  the  country  the  fundamental  points  of  your  national 
external  policy. 


6         LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

You  are  now  exploring  political  seas  never  navigated 
before,  lands  not  yet  revealed  to  the  genius  of  your  statesmen 
and  toward  which  they  were  attracted,  as  we  are  all  attracted 
one  to  another,  by  an  irresistible  continental  gravitation.  We 
feel  certain,  however,  that  at  the  end  of  your  long  journey 
you  will  feel  that,  in  their  ideals  and  in  their  hearts,  the 
American  republics  form  already  a  great  political  unit  in 
the  world. 

Speech  of  the  Secretary  of  State 
Honorary  President  op  the  Conference 

I  BEG  you  to  believe  that  I  highly  appreciate  and  thank  you 
for  the  honor  you  do  me. 

I  bring  from  my  country  a  special  greeting  to  her  elder 
sisters  in  the  civilization  of  America. 

Unlike  as  we  are  in  many  respects,  we  are  alike  in  this,  that 
we  are  all  engaged  under  new  conditions,  and  free  from  the 
traditional  forms  and  limitations  of  the  Old  World  in  working 
out  the  same  problem  of  popular  self-government. 

It  is  a  difficult  and  laborious  task  for  each  of  us.  Not  in 
one  generation  nor  in  one  century  can  the  effective  control  of 
a  superior  sovereign,  so  long  deemed  necessary  to  govern- 
ment, be  rejected,  and  effective  self-control  by  the  governed 
be  perfected  in  its  place.  The  first  fruits  of  democracy  are 
many  of  them  crude  and  unlovely;  its  mistakes  are  many, 
its  partial  failures  many,  its  sins  not  few.  Capacity  for  self- 
government  does  not  come  to  man  by  nature.  It  is  an  art  to 
be  learned,  and  it  is  also  an  expression  of  character  to  be 
developed  among  all  the  thousands  of  men  who  exercise 
popular  sovereignty. 

To  reach  the  goal  toward  which  we  are  pressing  forward, 
the  governing  multitude  must  first  acquire  knowledge  that 
comes  from  universal  education;  wisdom  that  follows  prac- 
tical experience;    personal   independence  and   self-respect 


BRAZIL  7 

befitting  men  who  acknowledge  no  superior;  self-control  to 
replace  that  external  control  which  a  democracy  rejects; 
respect  for  law;  obedience  to  the  lawful  expressions  of  the 
pubhc  will;  consideration  for  the  opinions  and  interests  of 
others  equally  entitled  to  a  voice  in  the  state;  loyalty  to 
that  abstract  conception  —  one's  country  —  as  inspiring 
as  that  loyalty  to  personal  sovereigns  which  has  so  illumined 
the  pages  of  history;  subordination  of  personal  interests 
to  the  public  good;  love  of  justice  and  mercy,  of  liberty  and 
order.  All  these  we  must  seek  by  slow  and  patient  effort; 
and  of  how  many  shortcomings  in  his  own  land  and  among 
his  own  people  each  one  of  us  is  conscious! 

Yet  no  student  of  our  times  can  fail  to  see  that  not  America 
alone  but  the  whole  civilized  world  is  swinging  away  from  its 
old  governmental  moorings  and  intrusting  the  fate  of  its 
civilization  to  the  capacity  of  the  popular  mass  to  govern. 
By  this  pathway  mankind  is  to  travel,  whithersoever  it  leads. 
Upon  the  success  of  this  our  great  undertaking  the  hope  of 
humanity  depends. 

Nor  can  we  fail  to  see  that  the  world  makes  substantial 
progress  toward  more  perfect  popular  self-government. 

I  believe  it  to  be  true  that,  viewed  against  the  background 
of  conditions  a  century,  a  generation,  a  decade  ago,  govern- 
ment in  my  own  country  has  advanced,  in  the  intelligent 
participation  of  the  great  mass  of  the  people,  in  the  fidelity 
and  honesty  with  which  they  are  represented,  in  respect  for 
law,  in  obedience  to  the  dictates  of  a  sound  morality,  and  in 
eflfectiveness  and  purity  of  administration. 

Nowhere  in  the  world  has  this  progress  been  more  marked 
than  in  Latin  America.  Out  of  the  wrack  of  Indian  fighting 
and  race  conflicts  and  civil  wars,  strong  and  stable  govern- 
ments have  arisen.  Peaceful  succession  in  accord  with  the 
people's  will  has  replaced  the  forcible  seizure  of  power  per- 
mitted by  the  people's  indifference.    Loyalty  to  country,  its 


S        LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

peace,  its  dignity,  its  honor,  has  risen  above  partisanship  for 
individual  leaders.  The  rule  of  law  supersedes  the  rule  of 
man.  Property  is  protected  and  the  fruits  of  enterprise  are 
secure.  Individual  liberty  is  respected.  Continuous  public 
policies  are  followed;  national  faith  is  held  sacred.  Progress 
has  not  been  equal  everywhere,  but  there  has  been  progress 
everywhere.  The  movement  in  the  right  direction  is  general. 
Theright  tendency  is  not  exceptional;  it  is  continental.  The 
present  affords  just  cause  for  satisfaction;  the  future  is 
bright  with  hope. 

It  is  not  by  national  isolation  that  these  results  have  been 
accomplished,  or  that  this  progress  can  be  continued.  No 
nation  can  live  unto  itself  alone  and  continue  to  live.  Each 
nation's  growth  is  a  part  of  the  development  of  the  race. 
There  may  be  leaders  and  there  may  be  laggards;  but  no 
nation  can  long  continue  very  far  in  advance  of  the  general 
progress  of  mankind,  and  no  nation  that  is  not  doomed  to 
extinction  can  remain  very  far  behind.  It  is  with  nations  as 
it  is  with  individual  men;  intercourse,  association,  correction 
of  egotism  by  the  influence  of  others'  judgment;  broadening 
of  views  by  the  experience  and  thought  of  equals;  accept- 
ance of  the  moral  standards  of  a  community,  the  desire  for 
whose  good  opinion  lends  a  sanction  to  the  rules  of  right 
conduct  —  these  are  the  conditions  of  growth  in  civilization. 
A  people  whose  minds  are  not  open  to  the  lessons  of  the 
world's  progress,  whose  spirits  are  not  stirred  by  the  aspira- 
tions and  the  achievements  of  humanity  struggling  the 
world  over  for  liberty  and  justice,  must  be  left  behind  by 
civilization  in  its  steady  and  beneficent  advance. 

To  promote  this  mutual  interchange  and  assistance  be- 
tween the  American  republics,  engaged  in  the  same  great 
task,  inspired  by  the  same  purpose,  and  professing  the  same 
principles,  I  understand  to  be  the  function  of  the  American 
Conference  now  in  session.    There  is  not  one  of  all  our  coun- 


BRAZIL  9 

tries  that  cannot  benefit  the  others;  there  is  not  one  that  can- 
not receive  benefit  from  the  others;  there  is  not  one  that  will 
not  gain  by  the  prosperity,  the  peace,  the  happiness  of  all. 

According  to  your  program,  no  great  and  impressive 
single  thing  is  to  be  done  by  you;  no  political  questions  are 
to  be  discussed;  no  controversies  are  to  be  settled;  no  judg- 
ment is  to  be  passed  upon  the  conduct  of  any  state,  but 
many  subjects  are  to  be  considered  which  afford  the  possi- 
bility of  removing  barriers  to  intercourse;  of  ascertaining  for 
the  conmtion  benefit  what  advances  have  been  made  by  each 
nation  in  knowledge,  in  exi>erience,  in  enterprise,  in  the  solu- 
tion of  diflScult  questions  of  government,  and  in  ethical  stand- 
ards; of  perfecting  our  knowledge  of  each  other;  and  of 
doing  away  with  the  misconceptions,  the  misunderstandings, 
and  the  resultant  prejudices  that  are  such  fruitful  sources  of 
controversy. 

And  some  subjects  in  the  program  invite  discussion  that 
may  lead  the  American  republics  toward  an  agreement 
upon  principles,  the  general  practical  application  of  which 
can  come  only  in  the  future  through  long  and  patient  effort. 
Some  advances  at  least  may  be  made  here  toward  the  com- 
plete rule  of  justice  and  peace  among  nations,  in  lieu  of  force 
and  war. 

The  association  of  so  many  eminent  men  from  all  the 
republics,  leaders  of  opinion  in  their  own  homes;  the  friend- 
ships that  will  arise  among  you;  the  habit  of  temperate  and 
kindly  discussion  of  matters  of  common  interest;  the  ascer- 
tainment of  common  sympathies  and  aims;  the  dissipation 
of  misunderstandings;  the  exhibition  to  all  the  American 
peoples  of  this  peaceful  and  considerate  method  of  conferring 
upon  international  questions  —  this  alone,  quite  irrespective 
of  the  resolutions  you  may  adopt  and  the  conventions  you 
may  sign,  will  mark  a  substantial  advance  in  the  direction  of 
international  good  understanding. 


10       LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

These  beneficent  results  the  Government  and  the  people  of 
t^  United  States  of  America  greatly  desire. 

I  We  wish  for  no  victories  but  those  of  peace;  for  no  terri- 
tory except  our  own;  for  no  sovereignty  except  sovereignty 
over  ourselves.  We  deem  the  independence  and  equal  rights 
of  the  smallest  and  weakest  member  of  the  family  of  nations 
entitled  to  as  much  respect  as  those  of  the  greatest  empire; 
and  we  deem  the  observance  of  that  respect  the  chief  guar- 
anty of  the  weak  against  the  oppression  of  the  strong.  We 
neither  claim  nor  desire  any  rights  or  privileges  or  powers 
that  we  do  not  freely  concede  to  every  American  republic. 
We  wish  to  increase  our  prosperity,  to  expand  our  trade,  to 
grow  in  wealth,  in  wisdom,  and  in  spirit;  but  our  conception 
of  the  true  way  to  accomplish  this  is  not  to  pull  down  others 
and  profit  by  their  ruin,  but  to  help  all  friends  to  a  common 
prosperity  and  a  common  growth,  that  we  may  all  become 
greater  and  stronger  together. 

\^  Within  a  few  months,  for  the  first  time,  the  recognized 
possessors  of  every  foot  of  soil  upon  the  American  continents 
can  be  and  I  hope  will  be  represented  with  the  acknowledged 
rights  of  equal  sovereign  states  in  the  great  World  Congress 
at  The  Hague.  This  will  be  the  world's  formal  and  final 
acceptance  of  the  declaration  that  no  part  of  the  American 
continents  is  to  be  deemed  subject  to  colonization.  Let  us 
pledge  ourselves  to  aid  each  other  in  the  full  performance 
of  the  duty  to  humanity  which  that  accepted  declaration 
implies;  so  that  in  time  the  weakest  and  most  unfortunate  of 
our  republics  may  come  to  march  with  equal  step  by  the 
side  of  the  stronger  and  more  fortunate.  Let  us  help  each 
other  to  show  that  for  all  the  races  of  men  the  liberty  for 
which  we  have  fought  and  labored  is  the  twin  sister  of  justice 
and  peace.  Let  us  unite  in  creating  and  maintaining  and 
making  effective  an  all-American  public  opinion,  whose  power 
shall  influence  international  conduct  and  prevent  interna- 


BRAZIL  11 

tional  wrong,  and  narrow  the  causes  of  war,  and  forever  pre- 
serve our  free  lands  from  the  burden  of  such  armaments  as 
are  massed  behind  the  frontiers  of  Europe,  and  bring  us  ever 
nearer  to  the  perfection  of  ordered  Hberty.  So  shall  come 
security  and  prosperity,  production  and  trade,  wealth,  learn- 
ing, the  arts,  and  happiness  for  us  all  J 

Not  in  a  single  conference,  nor  by  a  single  effort,  can  very 
much  be  done.  You  labor  more  for  the  future  than  for  the 
present;  but  if  the  right  impulse  be  given,  if  the  right  tend- 
ency be  established,  the  work  you  do  here  will  go  on  among 
all  the  millions  of  people  in  the  American  continents  long 
after  your  final  adjournment,  long  after  your  lives,  with  incal- 
culable benefit  to  all  our  beloved  countries,  which  may  it 
please  God  to  continue  free  and  independent  and  happy  for 
ages  to  come. 

Speech  or  Mr.  Mariano  Cornejo 

Enyot  Extraobdinabt  and  Minister  Plbnipotentiart  from  the  Republic 

OF  Peru  to  the  Kingdom  of  Spain.  Former  FRcaiDENT  of  the 

Chamber  of  Deputies,  Delbqate  from  Peru 

[The  President.  There  is  before  me  a  motion  presented  by  the  Peruvian 
delegation. 

The  motion  was  then  read: 

"  The  Peruvian  delegation  moves  that  the  minutes  of  the  grand  session 
of  today,  signed  by  all  the  delegates,  be  presented  to  the  Department  of 
State  at  Washington  as  an  expression  of  the  great  pleasure  with  which 
the  Pan  American  Conference  has  received  its  honorary  president,  the 
Honorable  Ehhu  Root."] 

The  delegation  from  Peru  desires  that  there  may  remain  a 
mark  of  this  solemn  session,  in  which  all  America  has  saluted 
as  a  link  of  union  the  eminent  statesman  who  has  honored  us 
with  his  presence,  and,  in  his  person,  the  great  American 
who,  for  the  elevation  of  his  ideas  and  for  the  nobleness  of  his 
sentiments,  is  the  worthy  chief  magistrate  of  the  powerful 
republic  which  serves  as  an  example,  as  a  stimulus,  and  a 
center  of  gravitation  for  the  political  and  social  systems  of 
America. 


12       LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

Honorable  Minister,  your  country  sheds  its  light  over  all 
the  countries  of  the  continent,  which  in  their  turn,  advancing 
at  different  rates  of  velocity,  but  in  the  same  direction,  along 
the  line  of  progress,  form  in  the  landscape  of  American  his- 
tory a  beautiful  perspective  of  the  future,  reaching  to  a 
horizon  where  the  real  and  the  ideal  are  mingled,  and  on 
whose  blue  field  the  great  nationality  that  fills  all  the  present 
stands  out  in  bold  relief. 

These  congresses,  gentlemen,  are  the  symbol  of  that  soli- 
darity which,  notwithstanding  the  ephemeral  passions  of 
men,  constitutes,  by  the  invincible  force  of  circumstances, 
the  essence  of  our  continental  system.  They  were  conceived 
by  the  organizing  genius  of  the  statesmen  of  Washington,  in 
order  that  the  American  sentiment  of  patriotism  might  be 
therein  exalted,  freeing  it  from  that  national  egotism  which 
may  be  justified  in  the  difficult  moments  of  the  formation  of 
states,  but  which  would  be  today  an  impediment  to  the 
development  of  the  American  idea,  destined  to  demonstrate 
that  just  as  the  democratic  principle  has  been  to  combine 
liberty  and  order  in  the  constitution  of  states,  it  will  likewise 
combine  the  self-government  of  the  nations  and  fraternity  in 
the  relations  of  the  peoples. 

Honorable  Minister,  your  visit  has  given  impulse  to  this 
undertaking.  The  ideas  you  have  presented  have  not  only 
defined  the  interests,  but  have  also  stirred  in  the  soul  of 
America  all  her  memories,  all  her  dreams,  and  all  her  ideals. 

It  is  as  if  the  centuries  had  awakened  in  their  tombs  to 
hail  the  dawn  of  a  hope  that  fills  them  with  new  vigor  and 
light. 

It  is  the  wish  of  Peru  that  this  hope  may  never  be  extin- 
guished in  the  heart  of  America,  and  that  the  illustrious 
delegates  who  will  sign  these  minutes  may  remember  that 
they  are  entering  into  a  solemn  engagement  to  strive  for  the 
cause  of  American  solidarity. 


BRAZIL  13 

Speech  of  Honorable  A.  J.  Montague 

FoRMEB  Governor  of  Virginia,  Delegate  from  the  United  States 
OF  America 

If  in  disparagement  of  our  modesty,  yet  in  recognition  of  our 
gratitude,  the  delegates  from  the  United  States  have  just 
requested  me  to  express  our  profound  appreciation  of  the 
extraordinary  courtesy  you  have  extended  to  our  country  in 
the  person  of  her  distinguished  and  able  Secretary  of  State, 
whose  wise  and  exalted  address  we  have  all  heard  with  delight 
and  satisfaction. 

However,  the  honors  you  have  paid  him,  and  which  come 
so  graciously  from  a  polite  and  hospitable  people,  convey  a 
deeper  meaning,  for  in  them  we  must  see  a  gratifying  evi- 
dence of  that  American  solidarity  which  imites  our  republics 
in  the  common  development  of  popular  government,  ener- 
gized by  liberty,  illumined  by  intelligence,  steadied  by  order, 
and  sustained  by  virtue.  The  liberty  of  law,  and  the  oppor- 
tunity for  duty,  and  the  dignity  of  responsibility  come  to  us 
by  the  very  genius  of  our  institutions.  Therefore,  in  recog- 
nition of  the  fraternity  which  inspires  the  greatest  tasks 
which  have  yet  fallen  to  the  lot  of  so  many  peoples,  working 
together  for  a  common  end,  we  receive  your  compliment  to 
our  country,  and  for  this  purpose  I  have  thus  detained  you  to 
hear  this  imp>erfect  expression  of  our  thanks. 

Speech  of  His  Excellency  Baron  do  Rio  Branco 

Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs  of  the  United  States  of  Brazu. 

Honorary  President  of  the  Conference 

I  HAVE  risen  merely  to  make  a  statement  which  I  am  sure  will 
be  received  with  pleasure  by  this  illustrious  assembly. 

His  Excellency  the  President  of  the  Republic,  in  remem- 
brance of  the  visit  paid  by  His  Excellency  President  Roose- 
velt to  this  building  in  St.  Louis,  and  in  order  to  perpetuate 
the  memory  of  the  coming  of  the  distinguished  Secretary 
Elihu  Root  to  this  country,  has  resolved  by  a  decree  bearing 


14       LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

today's  date  to  give  to  this  edifice  in  which  the  International 
Pan  American  Conference  is  now  in  session  the  name  of 
Palacio  Monroe. 

[The  Conference  then  adjourned.] 

BANQUET  OF  THE  MINISTER  FOR  FOREIGN  AFFAIRS 

Speech  of  His  Excellency  Baron  do  Rio  Branco 

Minister  fob  Foreign  Affairs 
Rio  de  Janeiro,  July  28, 1906 

The  enthusiastic  and  cordial  welcome  you  have  received  in 
Brazil  must  certainly  have  convinced  you  that  this  country 
is  a  true  friend  of  yours. 

This  friendship  is  of  long  standing.  It  dates  from  the  first 
days  of  our  independence,  which  the  Government  of  the 
United  States  was  the  first  to  recognize,  as  the  Government  of 
Brazil  was  the  first  to  applaud  the  terms  and  spirit  of  the 
declarations  contained  in  the  famous  message  of  President 
Monroe.  Time  has  but  increased,  in  the  minds  and  hearts  of 
successive  generations  of  Brazilians,  the  sympathy  and 
admiration  which  the  founders  of  our  nationality  felt  for  the 
United  States  of  America. 

The  manifestations  of  friendship  for  the  United  States 
which  you  have  witnessed  come  from  all  the  Brazilian  people, 
and  not  from  the  ofiicial  world  alone,  and  it  is  our  earnest 
desire  that  this  friendship,  which  has  never  been  disturbed  in 
the  past,  may  continue  forever  and  grow  constantly  closer 
and  stronger. 

Gentlemen,  I  drink  to  the  health  of  the  distinguished 
Secretary  of  State  of  the  United  States  of  America,  Mr.  Elihu 
Root,  who  has  so  brilliantly  and  effectively  aided  President 
Roosevelt  in  the  great  work  of  the  political  rapprochement  of 
the  American  nations. 


BRAZIL  15 


Reply  of  Mr.  Root 


I  THANK  you  again  and  still  again  for  the  generous  hospitality 
which  is  making  my  reception  in  Brazil  so  charming. 

Coming  here  as  head  of  the  department  of  foreign  affairs  of 
my  country  and  seated  at  the  table  of  the  minister  of  foreign 
affairs  of  the  great  Republic  of  Brazil,  where  I  am  your  guest, 
I  am  forcibly  reminded  of  the  change  which,  within  the  last 
few  years,  has  taken  place  in  the  diplomacy  of  the  world, 
leading  to  a  modem  diplomacy  that  consists  of  telling  the 
truth,  a  result  of  the  government  of  the  people  by  the  people, 
which  is  in  our  days  taking  the  place  of  personal  government 
by  sovereigns.  It  is  the  people  who  make  peace  or  war;  their 
desires,  their  sentiments,  affections,  and  prejudices  are  the 
great  and  important  factors  which  diplomacy  has  to  consult, 
which  diplomats  have  to  interpret,  and  which  they  have  to 
obey.  Modem  diplomacy  is  frank,  because  modem  democ- 
racies have  no  secrets;  they  endeavor  not  only  to  know  the 
truth,  but  also  to  express  it. 

And  in  this  way  I  have  come  here  as  your  guest;  not  because 
the  fertile  or  ingenious  mind  of  some  ruler  has  deemed  it 
judicious  or  convenient,  but  because  my  visit  naturally  rep- 
resents the  friendship  which  the  eighty  million  inhabitants 
of  the  great  Republic  of  the  North  have  for  the  twenty  mil- 
lion people  of  Brazil;  and  it  is  a  just  interpretation  of  that 
friendship.  The  depth  of  sentiment  which  in  me  corresponds 
to  your  kind  reception  results  from  the  knowledge  I  have 
that  the  cordiality  which  I  find  here  represents  in  reality  the 
friendship  that  Brazilians  entertain  for  my  dear  country. 
Not  in  my  personal  name  or  as  representative  of  an  isolated 
individual,  but  in  the  name  of  all  the  people  of  my  country 
and  in  the  spirit  of  the  great  declaration  mentioned  by  you, 
Mr.  Minister,  the  declaration  known  by  the  name  of  Monroe, 
and  which  was  the  bulwark  and  safeguard  of  Latin  America 


16       LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

from  the  dawn  of  its  independence,  I  raise  my  glass,  certain 
that  all  present  will  unite  with  me  in  a  toast  to  the  progress, 
prosperity,  and  happiness  of  the  Brazilian  Republic. 

Speech  of  Dr.  James  Darcy 

The  same  deep  and  profound  emotion  which  I,  as  a  Brazilian 
and  an  American,  feel  in  this  hour  is  undoubtedly  felt  by  all 
here  on  the  floor  —  representatives  of  the  nation,  and  identi- 
cal with  the  nation  itself.  When  the  Chamber  of  Deputies 
sees  the  Secretary  of  State  of  the  United  States  of  America  in 
the  gallery  it  cannot  go  on  with  its  regular  work  even  for  a 
minute  longer.  So  great  and  extraordinary  have  been  the 
demonstrations  occasioned  by  the  presence  in  our  country  of 
the  eminent  envoy  of  the  great  republic  of  the  United  States 
that  it  is  necessary  that  the  Chamber,  in  this  hour  unequaled 
in  the  whole  life  of  the  American  Continent,  manifest  without 
delay  its  feelings  of  sympathy  with  the  work  for  the  closer 
rapprochement  of  the  American  nations. 

In  Scandinavia,  the  land  of  almost  perpetual  fogs  and 
mists,  there  died  not  long  ago  an  extraordinary  man.  Ibsen, 
by  some  called  revolutionary,  by  others  evolutionary, 
dreamed  in  all  his  works  of  a  new  day  of  peace  and  concord 
for  all  mankind.  This  dream  did  not  exist  in  the  poet's  brain 
alone,  for  it  has  imbedded  itself  in  the  mind  and  heart  of  a 
great  American  politician  —  Elihu  Root. 

From  the  moment  he  set  foot  on  Brazilian  soil  he  has  been 
received  with  loud  acclamations  of  joy,  in  which  all  Brazil- 
ians have  joined.  The  demonstration  which  the  student- 
body  of  Brazil  made  a  short  time  ago,  which  for  enthusiasm 
and  spontaneity  of  feeling  has  never  been  equaled,  manifested 
our  feeling  toward  Mr.  Root. 

In  his  speech  at  the  third  Conference  of  the  American 
Republics,  the  statesman,  the  philosopher,  the  sociologist, 
the  great  humanitarian  that  Elihu  Root  is,  opened  up  a  new 


BRAZIL  17 

era  for  the  countries  of  the  continent  of  such  an  order  that 
the  old  standard  of  morality  has  fallen  to  the  ground  in 
ruins.  On  the  public  buildings,  on  the  fortresses  and  masts 
of  war  vessels,  waves  the  same  flag  —  a  white  flag,  reminding 
the  American  people  that  a  new  epoch  of  fraternity  has  risen 
for  them. 

Nothing  has  ever  done  so  much  for  peace  as  this  visit  of 
Elihu  Root  among  us.  It  forms  a  spectacle  that  must  mark  an 
epoch  in  our  national  life.  The  Chamber  of  Deputies,  inter- 
preting the  unanimous  sentiment  of  the  nation,  from  north 
to  south,  of  old  and  young  alike,  has  suggested  that  I  offer 
a  motion,  which  is  already  approved  in  advance,  and  make 
the  request  that  Mr.  Elihu  Root  be  invited  to  take  a  seat 
on  the  floor  of  the  Chamber,  as  a  mark  of  homage  in  return 
for  the  honor  he  has  done  us  in  making  a  visit  to  this  House. 

The  memory  of  this  visit  will  live  forever  in  our  hearts.  He 
who  bestows  all  favors  will  undoubtedly  reward  those  who 
have  done  so  much  for  American  peace  and  fraternity  by 
setting  them  up  as  models  for  the  whole  world. 

Reply  of  Mr.  Root 

I  THANK  you  sincerely  for  the  flattering  expressions  which, 
through  your  able  and  happy  spokesmen,  you  have  made 
regarding  myself.  I  thank  you  stiU  more  deeply  for  the 
expressions  of  friendship  for  my  country.  I  beg  you  to  permit 
me  in  my  turn  to  make  acknowledgment  to  you,  the  repre- 
sentatives of  the  people  of  Brazil  —  acknowledgment  which 
I  can  make  to  the  President  of  the  Republic,  which  I  can 
make  personally  to  your  distinguished  and  most  able  Secre- 
tary for  Foreign  Affairs,  but  which  I  wish  to  make  on  this 
public  occasion  to  the  people  of  Brazil.  I  wish  to  thank  the 
Brazilian  people  for  sending  to  my  country  a  man  so  able 
and  so  successful  in  interpreting  his  people  to  us  as  my  good 
friend  Mr.  Nabuco.    I  wish  to  thank  the  people  of  Brazil  — 


18       LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

its  legislators,  its  educated  men  of  literature  and  of  science,  its 
students  in  their  generous  and  delightful  enthusiasm,  and  its 
laboring  people  in  their  simple  and  honest  appreciation  —  for 
the  reception  which  they  have  given  me,  overwhelming  in  its 
hospitality  and  friendship;  for  the  courtesy,  the  careful 
attention  to  every  detail  that  could  affect  the  comfort,  the 
convenience,  and  the  pleasure  of  myself  and  my  family;  for 
the  abundant  expressions  of  friendship  which  I  have  found  in 
your  streets  and  in  your  homes;  for  the  bountiful  repasts; 
for  the  clouds  of  beautiful  flowers  with  which  you  have  sur- 
rounded us;  and,  more  than  all,  for  the  deep  sense  of  sin- 
cerity in  your  friendship  which  has  been  carried  to  my  heart. 
I  wish  to  make  this  acknowledgment  directly  to  you,  the 
direct  and  immediate  representatives  of  the  people. 

We,  who  in  official  life  have  our  short  day,  are  of  little  con- 
sequence. You  and  I,  Mr.  President,  Baron  Rio  Branco,  the 
President  of  the  Republic  himself  —  we  are  of  little  conse- 
quence. We  come  and  go.  We  cannot  alter  the  course  of 
nations  or  the  fate  of  mankind;  but  the  people,  the  great 
mass  of  humanity,  are  moving  up  or  down.  They  are  march- 
ing on,  keeping  step  with  civilization  and  human  progress; 
or  they  are  lapsing  back  toward  barbarism  and  darkness. 
The  people  today  make  peace  and  make  war  —  not  a  sover- 
eign, not  the  whim  of  an  individual,  not  the  ambition  of  a 
single  man;  but  the  sentiment,  the  friendship,  the  affection, 
the  feelings  of  this  great  throbbing  mass  of  humanity,  deter- 
mine peace  or  war,  progress  or  retrogression.  And  coming  to 
a  self-governing  people  from  a  self-governing  people,  I  would 
interpret  my  fellow-citizens  —  the  great  mass  of  plain  people 
—  to  the  great  mass  of  the  plain  people  of  Brazil.  No  longer 
the  aristocratic  selfishness,  which  gathers  into  a  few  hands  all 
the  goods  of  life,  rules  mankind.  Under  our  free  republics  our 
conception  of  human  duty  is  to  spread  the  goods  of  life  as 
widely  as  possible;  to  bring  the  humblest  and  the  weakest  up 


BRAZIL  19 

into  a  better,  a  brighter,  a  happier  existence;  to  lay  deep  the 
foundations  of  government,  so  that  government  shall  be 
built  up  from  below,  rather  than  brought  down  from  above. 
These  are  the  conceptions  in  which  we  believe.  True,  our 
languages  are  different;  true,  we  draw  from  our  parent  coun- 
tries many  different  customs,  different  ways  of  acting  and  of 
thinking;  but,  after  all,  the  great,  substantial,  underlying 
facts  are  the  same,  humanity  is  the  same.  We  live,  we  leam, 
we  labor,  and  we  struggle  up  to  a  higher  life  the  same  —  you 
of  Brazil  and  we  of  the  United  States  of  the  North.  In  the 
great  struggle  of  humanity  our  interests  are  alike,  and  I  hold 
out  to  you  the  hands  of  the  American  people,  asking  your 
help  and  offering  you  ours  in  this  great  struggle  of  humanity 
for  a  better,  a  nobler,  and  a  happier  life.  You  will  make 
mistakes  in  your  council,  that  is  the  lot  of  humanity;  no 
government  can  be  perfect  —  till  the  miUennium  comes;  but 
year  by  year  and  generation  by  generation  substantial  ad- 
vance toward  more  perfect  government,  more  complete  order, 
more  exact  justice,  and  more  lofty  conceptions  of  human  duty 
will  be  made. 

God  be  with  you  in  your  struggle  as  He  has  been  with  us. 
May  your  deliberations  ever  be  ruled  by  patriotism,  by  imself- 
ishness,  by  love  of  country,  and  by  wisdom  for  the  blessing 
of  your  whole  people,  and  may  universal  prosperity  and 
growth  in  wisdom  and  righteousness  of  all  the  American 
republics  act  and  react  throughout  the  continents  of  America 
for  all  time  to  come. 

Speech  op  Senator  Ruy  Barbosa 

In  the  Federal  Senate  of  Brazil,  at  Rio  de  Janeiro,  August  i,  1900 

If  your  excellency  will  permit  me,  Mr.  President,  I  will  call 
your  attention  and  that  of  the  Senate  to  the  fact  that  at  this 
moment  this  House  is  honored  by  the  presence  of  Mr.  Elihu 
Root,  Secretary  of  State  of  the  United  States. 


20       LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

For  a  week  his  stay  among  us  has  been  spreading  interest 
throughout  the  country  and  filHng  the  capital  with  joy, 
causing  excitement  among  the  neighboring  nations,  and  fix- 
ing the  eyes  of  Europe  on  this  obscure  part  of  the  world. 
The  fact  is  that  we  are  not  only  in  the  presence  of  an  indi- 
vidual of  great  renown,  who  is  one  of  the  highest  personages 
among  contemporaneous  statesmen,  with  a  reputation  which 
is  dear  to  the  western  hemisphere,  but  we  are  experiencing 
an  event  of  the  most  far-reaching  international  importance, 
in  the  sense  in  which  this  word  corresponds  to  the  common 
interests  of  the  human  race. 

In  the  organization  of  the  Government  of  the  United 
States,  the  portfolio  of  Secretary  of  State  constitutes  a 
notably  characteristic  and  peculiar  feature.  The  Secretary 
is  not  merely  a  minister  for  foreign  affairs,  but  is  the  guardian 
of  the  seals  of  state,  the  medium  through  whom  the  laws  are 
promulgated,  the  depositary  of  the  government  archives,  and 
the  first  assistant  of  the  Chief  Executive.  Tradition  has 
conferred  upon  him  a  dignity  next  to  that  of  President,  the 
law  making  him  second  in  the  order  of  succession  to  the  pres- 
idency by  vacancy  of  the  office,  while  it  has  become  the 
custom  for  the  President  to  invite  him  to  participate  in  the 
performance  of  his  duties  rather  as  a  colleague  and  associate 
than  as  an  adviser  and  servant.  The  triumphant  candidate 
in  a  presidential  election  has  at  times  called  to  this  office  his 
vanquished  opponent,  thus  showing  the  homage  paid  by 
party  spirit  to  the  value  of  merit.  Being  popularly  desig- 
nated as  head  of  the  Cabinet,  and  granted  the  honors  of  pre- 
cedence at  diplomatic  functions,  his  high  political  entity 
inscribes  him,  together  with  the  head  of  the  nation,  the 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  the  Speaker  of  the  House  of 
Representatives,  and  the  chairmen  of  the  two  great  financial 
committees  of  Congress,  among  the  five  or  six  personalities 


BRAZIL  21 

whose  influence  usually  directs  the  Government  of  the 
United  States. 

But  a  true  idea  of  this  eminent  position  cannot  be  formed 
without  some  light  on  its  history;  for  the  line  of  Secretaries 
of  State  sparkles  with  the  almost  continuous  luster  of  a  long, 
luminous  zone,  in  which  irradiate  the  dazzling  names  of 
Jefferson,  one  of  the  patriarchs  of  independence  in  the 
foundation  and  organization  of  the  United  States,  the  philos- 
opher, the  writer,  the  statesman,  the  creator  of  parties,  the 
systematizer  of  popular  education,  and  the  twice-elected 
successor  of  Washington;  of  Randolph,  through  whose 
initiative  the  stain  produced  by  the  word  **  slavery  "  was 
effaced  from  the  provisional  draft  of  the  American  Consti- 
tution; of  Marshall,  the  most  eminent  jurist  in  the  Republic, 
the  oracle  of  the  Constitution  and  the  constructor  of  the 
Federal  law;  of  Madison,  the  emulator  of  Hamilton  in  the 
editing  of  The  Federalist;  of  Monroe,  the  asserter  of  the  inter- 
national doctrine  of  the  independence  of  this  continent; 
of  John  Quincy  Adams,  the  pioneer  of  aboHtionism  in  his 
radical  condemnation  of  slavery;  of  Clay,  the  warm  defender 
of  the  South  American  colonies  in  their  struggle  for  emanci- 
pation; of  Webster,  the  Demosthenes  of  the  Union  and  of 
American  liberty;  of  Seward,  the  rival  for  election  of  Lincoln, 
but  who,  being  defeated  by  the  latter,  was  invited  by  him 
to  form  part  of  his  Cabinet;  of  Forsyth,  Calhoun,  Everett, 
Marcy,  Evarts,  Blaine,  Bayard,  and  Hay.  It  is  a  path  of 
stars,  at  the  termination  of  which  the  administration  of  Mr. 
Elihu  Root  does  not  pale. 

The  annals  of  the  United  States  could  be  traced  by  the 
route  of  this  numerous  constellation,  whose  radiant  points 
sparkle  around  yon  apex,  to  send  forth  their  beams  today 
from  yon  gallery,  illumining  the  Brazilian  Senate,  trans- 
figuring the  scene  of  our  ordinary  deliberations,  and  realizing, 


22       LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

with  the  pomp  of  the  evocation  of  this  glorious  past,  the 
spectacle  of  the  visit  of  one  nation  to  the  other  which  the  illus- 
trious Secretary  of  State  presented  before  our  eyes  when, 
a  few  days  ago,  he  said  in  response  to  our  eminent  and 
worthy  Minister  for  Foreign  Relations,  that  his  coming  in 
the  official  capacity  of  his  office  to  the  land  of  the  Cruzeiro 
constitutes  a  natural  expression  of  the  friendship  which 
the  eighty  millions  of  inhabitants  of  the  great  Republic  of  the 
North  feel  toward  the  twenty  million  souls  of  the  Republic 
of  Brazil. 

It  is  not,  then,  a  diplomatic  representation;  it  is  not  an 
embassy.  It  is  the  Government  of  the  United  States  itself 
in  person,  in  one  of  its  predominant  organs  —  an  organ  so 
exalted  that  it  holds  almost  as  high  a  position  there  in  the 
national  sentiment  as  the  Presidency  itself.  For  the  first 
time  is  the  North  American  Union  visiting  another  part  of 
the  continent  —  Latin  America.  And  this  direct,  personal 
and  most  solemn  visit  of  one  America  to  the  other  has  now 
as  its  scene  the  Brazilian  Senate,  assuming,  within  the  brief 
dimensions  of  this  chamber,  the  magnificent  proportions  of 
a  picture  for  which  our  nation  constitutes  the  frame  and  the 
attentive  circle  of  the  nations  the  gallery. 

For  the  modest  importance  of  our  nation,  the  event  is  of 
incomparable  significance.  None  other  can  be  likened  to  it 
in  the  history  of  our  existence  as  a  republic.  After  sixteen 
years  of  embarrassments,  perils,  and  conflicts,  the  latter 
appears  to  be  receiving  its  final  consecration  in  this  solemnity. 
It  is  the  grand  recognition  of  our  democracy,  the  proclama- 
tion of  the  attainment  of  our  majority  as  a  republic.  The  sta- 
bility of  the  government,  its  prestige,  its  honor  and  its  vigor, 
could  not  have  received  a  greater  attestation  before  the  world. 
Replying  to  the  doubts,  the  negations,  and  the  affronts  with 
which  our  '89  was  received,  amidst  passions  at  home  and 
prejudices  abroad,  it  signifies  the  irrevocable  triumph  of  our 


BRAZIL  23 

revolution,  closes  forever  the  era  of  monarchical  reassertions 
and  opens  up  our  future  to  order,  confidence,  and  labor. 

Almost  all  of  us  who  compose  this  assembly,  Mr.  President, 
belong  to  that  generation  who  were  opening  their  eyes  to 
public  life,  or  were  preparing  for  it  by  their  higher  studies, 
when  the  struggle  was  going  on  in  the  United  States  between 
slavery  and  freedom  —  that  campaign  of  Titans  which  tore 
the  entrails  of  America  and  shook  the  globe  for  many  years. 

Washington,  Jefferson,  and  Madison  had  died,  despairing 
of  the  extinction  of  slavery.  This  being  openly  proclaimed 
as  the  comer  stone  of  the  Confederacy,  which  gloried  in 
having  as  its  basis  and  in  holding  as  a  supreme  truth  the 
subjection  by  Providence  of  one  race  to  the  other,  it  looked 
as  if  the  work  of  the  patriarchs  of  1787  was  doomed  to 
inevitable  destruction  against  the  black  rock,  thus  consum- 
mating the  Jeffersonian  prophecy. 

But  Christian  order  prevailed  against  the  chaos  of  servile 
interests,  showing  that  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States 
was  not  that  "  league  with  death  "  and  that  "  compact  with 
hell,"  as  was  boldly  declared  by  Garrison  upon  the  breaking 
out  of  the  abolitionist  reaction.  And  when  the  Union  rose 
again,  still  clinging  to  liberty,  on  the  ruins  of  slavery  and  dis- 
memberment, we  who  had  heard  the  earthquake,  we  who  had 
witnessed  the  opening  of  the  abyss,  we  who  had  seen  swal- 
lowed up  in  it  a  million  lives  and  an  incalculable  amount  of 
wealth,  and  knew  of  the  misfortunes  and  tears  it  had  caused, 
were  surprised  by  the  divine  dawn  which  finally  appeared 
with  the  consoling  victory  of  justice;  and  we  felt  the  penetra- 
tion of  its  rays  here  into  the  depths  of  the  Brazilian  con- 
science, realizing,  with  a  holy  horror  of  the  tragedy  of  which 
we  had  just  been  the  witnesses,  that  we  were  still  a  country 
of  slaves. 

Very  soon,  however,  the  law  of  September  28,  1874,  imme- 
diately thereafter  Brazilian  abolitionism,  and  shortly  there- 


24       LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

after  the  brilliant  stroke  of  abolition  in  1888,  responded  to 
the  splendid  American  lesson  by  our  purification  from  this 
stigma. 

And  if  we  adopted  this  lesson  in  1889  and  1891,  when  we 
embraced  the  federal  system  and  framed  a  republican  con- 
stitution, it  was  not,  as  has  been  said,  in  obedience  to  the 
wishes,  caprices,  or  predilections  of  theorists.  Ever  since  the 
beginning  of  the  past  century,  the  liberal  spirit  among  us  had 
become  imbued  with  Americanism  through  reading  The 
Federalist,  The  idea  of  federation  carried  away  the  Brazilian 
Liberals  in  1831.  The  condemnation  of  the  monarchy  in 
Brazil  involved  fundamentally  that  of  administrative  cen- 
tralization and  the  single-headed  form  of  government  which 
were  embodied  in  that  regime.  The  United  States  gave  us 
the  first  model,  and  up  to  that  time  had  furnished  us  the  only 
example  of  a  republican  form  of  government,  extending  over 
a  territorial  expanse  such  as  only  monarchies  had  previously 
shown  themselves  capable  of  governing.  The  dilemma  was 
inevitable.  We  had  either  to  adhere  to  the  European  solu- 
tion, which  is  a  constitutional  monarchy,  or  else  establish  a 
republic  on  the  American  model. 

We  are  still  today  as  far  from  the  perfect  model  which  the 
United  States  present  of  a  federal  republic,  as  we  were  from 
a  likeness  to  England  under  the  parliamentary  monarchy, 
although  England  was  the  example  we  followed  in  that 
regime,  just  as  the  United  States  is  our  example  in  our  present 
government.  But  just  as  our  backwardness  in  parliamentary 
customs  was  no  cause  for  us  to  revert  from  a  constitutional 
to  an  absolute  monarchy,  so  the  insufficiency  of  our  republi-^ 
can  customs  constitutes  no  reason  for  abandoning  the  federal 
republic.  There  are  no  conditions  more  favorable  for  the 
political  education  of  a  nation  than  those  presented  by  our 
constitutional  mechanism,  modeled  after  the  American  type; 
nor  could  a  practical  schooling  be  offered  us  for  such  educa- 


BRAZIL  25 

tion  equal  to  that  of  an  intimate  approximation  between  us 
and  our  great  model,  our  relations  of  all  kinds  with  the  United 
States  being  drawn  closer  and  multiplied. 

Between  them  and  us  there  was  interposed  the  stupid, 
sullen  wall  of  prejudices  and  suspicions  with  which  weakness 
naturally  imagines  to  shelter  and  protect  itself  from  force. 
But  this  wall  is  cracking,  tottering,  and  beginning  to  crumble 
to  ruins  under  the  action  of  the  soil  and  the  atmosphere  — 
under  the  influx  of  the  sentiments  awakened  by  this  great 
movement  of  friendship  on  the  part  of  the  United  States 
toward  the  other  American  nations. 

In  this  attitude,  in  the  transparent  clearness  of  its  inten- 
tions, in  the  eloquence  of  its  language,  and  in  the  manifest 
frankness  of  its  promises,  there  stands  forth  a  broad  image  of 
truthfulness,  which  may  be  likened  to  those  breezes  in  the 
sky  on  bright  and  sunny  days  which  clear  the  horizon,  cause 
the  azure  of  the  firmament  to  pervade  our  souls,  and  com- 
municate the  energy  of  life  to  our  lungs.  May  God  sustain 
the  strong  spirit  of  magnanimity,  which  is  as  advantageous 
to  themselves  as  to  the  weak;  and  may  He  illumine  the 
minds  of  the  weak  with  an  understanding  of  a  situation 
which,  mutually  comprehended  and  maintained  with  firm- 
ness and  honesty,  will  be  productive  of  incalculable  benefits 
for  both  parties! 

The  United  States  would  already,  long  ago,  have  exhausted 
the  admiration  of  the  imiverse  by  the  constant  marvels  of 
their  greatness,  if  they  were  not  continually  surpassing 
themselves. 

I  do  not  allude  to  their  wonderful  fecundity,  which  in  a 
hundred  years  has  raised  their  population  from  five  to  eighty 
millions  of  souls.  I  do  not  speak  of  the  greatness  of  their 
expansion,  which  has  almost  quintupled  their  territorial  area 
in  one  century;  I  do  not  refer  to  the  greatness  of  their  mili- 
tary prowess,  which  has  never  yet  met  a  conqueror  either  by 


26       LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

land  or  sea.  Neither  am  I  occupying  myself  with  the  great- 
ness of  their  opulence,  which  is  tending  to  transfer  from 
London  to  New  York  the  center  of  capital  and  the  money 
market  of  the  world.  I  am  thinking  only  of  their  benefits  to 
democracy,  to  right,  and  to  civilization. 

Their  fundamental  principles  as  colonies  were  based  on 
religious  freedom.  Their  first  charters  embodied  the  essence 
of  liberty  in  the  British  constitution.  Their  Federal  Con- 
stitution is  considered  by  the  best  judges  as  the  highest  prod- 
uct of  political  genius  extant  among  mankind.  The  Rve 
years  of  their  civil  war  constituted  a  most  tremendous  sacri- 
fice, made  by  the  superhuman  heroism  of  a  nation  in  the 
higher  interests  of  humanity,  for  the  principle  of  human 
freedom.  Their  international  influence  is  frequently  exerted 
in  the  great  causes  of  Christianity  and  civilization,  first 
struggling  as  they  did  against  piracy  in  the  Mediterranean; 
then  opening  the  doors  of  Japan  to  the  commerce  of  the  world 
in  the  Pacific,  or  fighting  for  the  Armenians  against  Ottoman 
despotism,  or  intervening  in  behalf  of  the  Jews  against  the 
tyranny  of  the  Muscovite;  here  sympathizing  with  South 
America  against  Spain,  with  Greece  against  Turkey,  and 
with  Hungary  against  Austria;  there  promoting  that  mem- 
orable peace  between  the  Russians  and  Japanese  at  Ports- 
mouth, which  terminated  one  of  the  most  horrible  hecatombs 
of  peoples  on  record  in  the  history  of  warfare.  The  methods 
and  rules  of  their  teaching,  the  inspiration  of  their  inventors, 
the  penetrating  nature  of  their  institutions,  the  reproductive 
influence  of  their  example,  the  contagious  activity  of  their 
doctrines,  the  active  proselytism  of  their  reforms,  the  irre- 
sistible fascination  of  their  originality,  the  exuberant  flores- 
cence of  their  Christianity,  all  exert  a  profound  influence 
upon  European  culture  and  on  the  morals,  the  politics,  and 
the  destinies  of  the  world,  and  guide,  improve,  and  transform 
the  American  nations. 


BRAZIL  27 

Nothing,  however,  could  be  conceived  which  would  more 
magnificently  crown  this  miraculous  career  and  assure  for- 
ever to  that  nation  the  title,  par  excellence^  of  the  civilizer 
among  nations,  serving  the  interests  of  its  own  prosperity  as 
well  as  ours  by  a  sincere,  effective,  and  tenacious  adherence 
to  the  doctrine  announced  by  Mr.  Root,  namely  the  doctrine 
of  mutual  respect  and  friendship,  of  progressive  cooperation 
among  the  American  States,  large  or  small,  weak  or  strong; 
abandoning  foolish  race  prejudices  and  admitting  the  superior 
power  of  imitation,  science,  and  modem  inventions,  which 
are  the  moral  factors  in  the  development  of  peoples;  and 
recognizing  the  natural  truth  that  the  growing  evolution  of 
the  human  race  must  embrace  in  its  orbit  of  light  all  the 
civilized  nations  on  this  and  the  other  continents. 

Everything  in  the  visit  of  Mr.  Root,  everything  in  his 
words,  in  his  acts,  in  the  impressions  left  among  us  by  his 
person,  everything  speaks  to  us  with  absolute  sincerity  and 
resolute  mind  of  devotion  to  this  auspicious  program.  Our 
eminent  guest  has  seen  how  Brazil  receives  the  living  mes- 
sage of  the  people  of  the  United  States;  and,  when  he  returns, 
a  faithful  witness  of  our  civilization,  which  is  so  little  known, 
so  ill-treated,  and  so  calumniated  abroad,  he  will  in  all  prob- 
ability carry  with  him  a  conviction  of  having  found  in  this 
disliked  South  America,  between  the  Oyapoc  and  the  Plata, 
the  Atlantic  and  the  Andes,  a  non-indigenous,  although  new 
sister  of  the  United  States,  in  which  the  opinion  of  public  men 
and  popular  sentiment  have  but  one  ambition  in  regard  to  the 
policy  now  inaugurated — that  it  may  become  rooted  for  cen- 
turies and  that  it  may  shelter  our  future  under  its  branches. 

I  wished,  gentlemen  —  and  all  the  members  of  this  Senate 
wished  —  that  Mr.  Root  might  hear  from  the  mouth  of  the 
man  of  experience,  authority,  and  austere  demeanor  who  is 
to  preside  over  us,  the  most  eloquent  and  highest  of  these 
expressions  of  good  wishes. 


28       LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

For  this  purpose  I  move  that  the  Senate  do  now  resolve 
itself  into  a  committee  of  the  whole,  and  that  the  Secretary 
of  State  of  the  United  States  be  invited  to  take  the  post  of 
honor  in  this  assembly.  In  this  manner  the  proceedings  of  the 
Brazilian  Senate  and  its  traditions  will  preserve  the  memory 
of  this  date  forever.  For  it  is  not  one  of  those  dates  which 
flash  and  vanish  into  the  past  like  falling  meteors,  but  it  is  of 
those  which  seek  the  future  by  luminously  furrowing  the 
horizon  of  posterity  like  ascending  stars. 

And  if  the  future  is  to  be  a  substitution  of  right  in  place  of 
might,  of  arbitration  in  place  of  war,  of  congresses  in  place 
of  armies,  of  harmony,  cooperation,  and  solidarity  among 
the  American  peoples,  in  place  of  hostile  rivalries,  we  may,  on 
seeing  seated  here  today  at  the  right  of  our  President,  the 
Secretary  of  State  of  the  United  States,  affirm  to  him,  as 
Henry  Clay  did  on  the  reception  of  Lafayette,  with  a  different 
intention  but  just  as  truthfully,  that  he  is  seated  in  the  midst 
of  posterity. 

Speech  of  Senator  Alfredo  Ellis 

The  Federal  Senators,  representatives  of  the  Brazilian 
nation,  representing  the  people  of  twenty  states  of  the  Union 
and  of  the  Federal  District,  here  congregated  to  receive  you, 
through  me,  salute  you,  and  through  you,  salute  President 
Roosevelt  and  the  whole  people  of  the  United  States  of 
America.  You  are  truly  welcome  amongst  us,  and  you  are 
welcome  amongst  us  because  we  know  your  history;  we 
know  the  history  of  your  country;  we  know  the  history  of 
your  great  men,  from  Washington  to  Roosevelt.  You  are 
truly  and  sincerely  welcome  amongst  us,  because  you  are  the 
fortunate  messenger,  the  happy  harbinger  of  a  coming  civi- 
lization that  is  looming  already  in  the  not-far-distant  future, 
bringing  in  your  hands  the  snowy  and  brilliant  credentials  of 
brotherhood  and  peace.    Though  you  come  here,  Mr.  Root, 


BRAZIL  29 

amid  the  cannon's  roar,  or  the  din  of  popular  acclamations, 
the  echo  in  its  grand  unanimity  that  these  words  awaken  in 
the  hearts  of  the  Brazilian  people  throughout  all  the  land, 
from  north  to  south,  from  east  to  west,  should  convince  you 
that  we,  the  Brazilian  people,  trust  that  the  great  work  that 
is  now  being  done  through  the  delegates  of  the  nineteen 
American  republics  assembled  here  for  the  Third  Conference 
of  the  Pan  American  Congress,  will  bear  fruit  —  that  it  will 
bear  fruit  just  the  same  as  that  of  which  the  basis  was  laid  a 
long  time  ago  in  Philadelphia,  on  July  4,  1776,  written  by 
Thomas  Jefiferson  and  signed  by  the  delegates  of  nine  out  of 
the  thirteen  colonies  that  had  risen  in  arms  against  the 
mother-coimtry.  On  that  eventful  and  never-to-be-forgotten 
day,  Pennsylvania's  delegate  —  the  great,  the  wise,  the  noble 
Benjamin  Franklin  —  with  his  heart  full  of  sad  misgivings, 
full  of  sad  forebodings  about  the  final  issue  of  the  war,  raising 
himself  from  the  chair  on  which  he  had  been  sitting,  observed 
on  its  back,  embroidered  on  the  tapestry,  the  figure  of  a 
beaming  sun  with  its  golden  rays.  "  I  do  not  know,"  he  said, 
**  if  this  is  the  image  of  a  rising  or  a  setting  sun;  please  God 
Almighty  that  it  may  be  that  of  a  rising  sun,  enlightening  the 
birth  of  a  free  and  prosperous  people !  "  And  it  was  —  and  it 
was.  His  wish  —  his  dear  wish  —  was  fulfilled;  his  proph- 
ecy was  realized.  The  country  you  represent,  Mr.  Root, 
is  now  the  wonder  of  the  world  for  its  greatness,  for  its  power, 
for  its  prosperity. 

What  we  desire  —  what  the  Brazilian  people  desire  — 
what  we  hope,  is  that  in  your  case,  the  same  prophecy  may 
be  made  and  the  same  prophecy  may  be  realized  in  relation 
to  the  results  we  expect  from  the  Pan  American  Conference, 
strengthening  with  indissoluble  bonds  of  harmonious  concord 
and  a  very  lasting  peace,  American  brotherhood;  banishing 
from  the  lands  of  the  New  World  all  ambition  of  conquest 
and  the  bloody  strife  of  fratricidal  wars. 


30       LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

To  the  American  people,  our  brothers,  our  friends,  and  our 
companions,  the  Brazilian  nation,  treading  the  same  paths 
and  controlled  by  the  same  great  desire  to  attain  its  destinies 
in  the  history  of  the  world,  sends  through  you  its  most 
affectionate,  its  most  fraternal,  its  most  hearty  salutation. 

ADDRESSES  IN  THE  CHAMBER  OF  DEPUTIES 
Speech  of  Doctor  Paula  Guimaraes 

August  2, 1906 

The  Chamber  of  Deputies  feels  itself  honored  by  the  presence 
of  Mr.  Elihu  Root,  Secretary  of  State  of  the  United  States 
of  America. 

The  distinguished  member  of  the  Government  of  our  great 
sister  republic,  whose  coming  to  this  country  is  a  mark  of 
regard  and  esteem  which  is  very  flattering  to  us  and  which 
will  never  be  forgotten,  has  already  had  opportunity  to 
ascertain  how  deep  and  sincere  are  the  sentiments  of  sym- 
pathy which  the  people  of  Brazil  feel  for  the  North  American 
republic,  in  the  extraordinary  demonstrations  of  joy  and 
gratitude  which  have  everywhere  attended  him,  and  which 
are  an  eloquent  proof  of  the  sincerity  and  cordiality  of  our 
traditional  friendship  and  disinterested  admiration. 

The  entrance  of  Brazil  into  the  family  of  republics  of  the 
American  Continent  has  resulted  in  closer  ties  of  confra- 
ternity among  the  nations  of  the  New  World.  As  a  result  of 
the  policy  of  approximation,  happily  adopted  by  the  Govern- 
ment of  Brazil,  we  have  the  meeting  in  this  capital  of  the 
Pan  American  Congress,  where  the  distinguished  delegates 
of  the  sister  republics  have  been  given  a  warm  and  hearty 
welcome.  From  the  White  House,  where  President  Roose- 
velt firmly  maintains  the  traditions  of  great  American  names, 
there  has  come  to  us  on  a  mission  of  peace  an  eminent  and 
highly  esteemed  statesman,  bringing  us  political  ideas  of  a 
new  mould  and  the  frank  diplomacy  of  modern  democracies. 


BRAZIL  31 

In  words  of  the  highest  significance,  which  are  unsurpassed 
for  precision  and  frankness,  the  far-seeing  statesman  has 
revealed  to  us  the  ideal  of  justice  and  peace  to  which  human- 
ity in  the  near  future  is  to  attain,  because  the  rule  of  force 
"  is  losing  ground,"  and  "  sentiment,  feeling  and  affection  are 
gathering  more  and  more  sway  over  the  affairs  of  men."  The 
words  of  the  distinguished  American  are  familiar  to  the  whole 
world,  but  here  they  are  firmly  engraved  on  our  loyal  hearts. 

Differences  disappear  before  the  great  historic  fact  at 
which  it  is  our  good  fortune  to  be  present  at  this  moment,  the 
beginning  of  a  new  era  which  is  bound  to  bring  great  benefits 
to  our  country.  The  students,  full  of  hope  and  enthusiasm, 
the  orderly  working  people  —  all  classes  of  society,  in  short, 
unite  with  public  oflScials  in  unanimity  of  approval. 

Gentlemen,  it  is  to  confirm  these  sentiments  which  every 
Brazilian  feels,  to  proclaim  the  national  aspirations  of 
harmony,  conciliation,  and  union,  that  I  arise  to  thank,  in 
behalf  of  the  Chamber  of  Deputies,  the  representatives  of 
the  popular  will,  Mr.  Elihu  Root,  for  his  presence  among  us, 
and  to  greet  in  his  person  the  great  and  glorious  republic  of 
the  United  States  of  North  America,  greater  for  the  example 
it  gives  us  of  liberty,  energy,  and  order  than  for  its  extraor- 
dinary material  strength.     Glory  to  the  Stars  and  Stripes! 

Reply  of  Mr.  Root^ 

I  BEG  you  to  believe  in  the  depth  of  sensibility  with  which  I 
have  received  the  honor  you  do  me,  and  the  honor  you  do  my 
country.  The  similarity  of  our  institutions  is  such  that  I 
come  into  the  presence  of  this  august  body  with  full  appre- 
ciation of  its  dignity  and  its  significance.  I  feel  that  I  am 
in  the  presence  of  the  great .  lawmaking  body  to  which  is 
intrusted,  by  its  representation  of  the  separate  states  of 
Brazil,  the  preservation  of  local  self-government  throughout 
this  vast  empire;   so  that  the  people  of  each  one  of  your 


32       LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

twenty  states,  and  each  one  of  the  many  states  to  be  erected 
hereafter,  as  your  population  increases,  may  govern  itseK  in 
its  local  affairs  without  the  oppression  which  inevitably 
results  from  the  absolute  rule  of  a  central  power,  ignorant  of 
the  necessities  and  of  the  feelings  of  each  locality;  and  so 
that  also,  consistently  with  that  local  self-government,  the 
nationality  of  Brazil  shall  be  preserved  and  the  principle  of 
national  power,  the  dignity  and  power  of  the  nation  that  pro- 
tects all  local  self-governments  in  their  liberty,  shall  never  be 
decreased.  I  feel  also  that  I  am  in  the  presence  of  the  body 
from  which  must  come,  not  only  in  the  present  but  in  the 
great  future  of  Brazil,  that  conservative  force  which  is  so 
essential  to  regulate  the  action  of  a  democracy.  By  your 
constitution,  by  the  necessities  of  your  existence,  it  will  be 
your  function  to  prevent  rash  and  ill-considered  action,  to 
see  that  all  the  expedients  of  government,  all  the  theories 
that  are  suggested,  are  submitted  to  the  test  of  practical 
experience  and  sound  reason. 

And  so,  with  the  deepest  interest  in  the  continued  success 
of  the  Brazilian  experiment  in  self-government,  I  am  most 
deeply  impressed  with  the  honor  you  have  done  me.  The 
encomiums  which  have  been  passed  here  upon  my  country 
are  such  that  to  know  of  them  must  in  itself  be  an  incentive 
to  deserve  them.  I  hope  that  every  word  which  has  been 
spoken  here  about  that  dear  republic  from  which  I  come, 
may  go  to  the  knowledge  of  every  citizen  of  the  United 
States  of  America,  and  may  lead  him  to  feel  that  it  is  his 
duty  to  see  that  this  good  opinion  of  our  sister  republic  is 
justified. 

Senator  Ruy  Barbosa  has  justly  interpreted  the  meaning 
of  my  visit.  I  come  not  merely  as  the  messenger  of  friend- 
ship; I  come  as  that,  but  not  merely  as  that.  When  demo- 
cratic institutions  first  found  their  place  in  the  protests  of 
the  New  World  against  a  colonial  government  that  bound  us 


BRAZIL  33 

all  hand  and  foot;  when  the  plam  people  undertook  to  gov- 
ern themselves  without  any  Heaven-sent  superior  force  to 
control  them,  how  gloomy  were  the  prognostications,  how 
unfriendly  were  the  wishes,  how  uncomplimentary  were  the 
expressions  which,  upon  the  other  side  of  the  Atlantic, 
greeted  the  new  experiment  —  that  we  should  have  rule  by 
the  mob,  that  disorder  and  anarchy  would  ensue,  that  plain 
men  were  incapable  and  always  would  be  incapable,  of  main- 
taining an  orderly  and  peaceful  government.  Lo,  how  the 
scene  has  changed!  The  conception  of  man's  capacity  to 
govern  himself,  gaining  year  by  year  credit,  behef,  demon- 
stration, in  the  new  fields  of  virgin  lands,  north  and  south, 
has  been  carried  back  across  the  Atlantic  until  the  old  idea  of 
a  necessary  sovereign  is  shaken  to  the  base.  No  longer  is  it 
man's  conception  of  government  that  it  must  be  by  a  superior 
force,  pressing  down  what  is  bad;  but  that  the  pressure  shall 
be  from  beneath,  with  all  the  good  impulses  and  capacities  of 
human  nature  pressing  upward  what  is  good.  I  come  here 
not  only  to  hold  out  the  right  hand  of  friendship  to  you  from 
my  country,  but  also  to  assert  in  the  most  positive,  the  most 
salient  way  the  solidarity  of  republican  institutions  in  the 
New  World,  the  similarity  of  results,  the  mutual  confidence 
that  is  felt  by  my  country  in  yours,  and  by  yours  in  mine;  to 
assert  before  all  the  world  that  the  great  experiment  of  free 
self-government  is  a  success  north  and  south,  the  whole  New 
World  over.  From  the  realization  of  this  fact  —  this  certain 
and  indisputable  fact  —  that  republican  institutions  are 
successful,  will  come  that  confidence  which  underlies  wealth, 
the  security  of  property  that  is  the  basis  of  our  civilization, 
the  certainty  that  the  fruits  of  enterprise  will  be  secure, 
which  is  the  incentive  to  activity,  the  independence  of  the 
people  from  the  hard  stress  of  poverty  —  the  independence 
that  comes  from  ample  means  of  support,  and  is  a  condition 
of  growth  and  enjoyment  in  life.    More  than  wealth,  more 


34       LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

than  production,  more  than  trade,  more  than  any  material 
prosperity,  there  will  come  with  them  learning,  universal 
education,  literature,  arts,  the  charms  and  graces  of  life.  I 
would  think  but  little  of  my  country  if  it  had  merely  material 
wealth.  I  would  think  but  little  of  my  country  if  the  con- 
ception of  its  people  was  that  we  were  to  live  like  the  robber 
baron  of  the  Middle  Ages,  who  merely  gathered  into  his 
castle  for  his  own  luxury  the  wealth  that  he  had  taken  from 
the  surrounding  people. 

A  land  of  free  institutions,  in  which  wealth  and  prosperity 
are  made  the  basis  upon  which  to  build  up  the  arts,  graces, 
and  virtues  of  life,  and  in  which  there  is  a  noble  and  generous 
sympathy  with  every  one  laboring  in  the  same  cause  —  that, 
indeed,  is  a  country  of  which  one  may  be  proud;  that  is  a 
country  which  is  the  natural  result  of  free  institutions. 

So  I  come  to  you  to  say:  Let  us  know  each  other  better; 
let  us  aid  each  other  in  the  great  work  of  advancing  civiliza- 
tion; let  the  United  States  of  North  America  and  the  United 
States  of  Brazil  join  hands,  not  in  formal  written  treaties  of 
alliance,  but  in  the  universal  sympathy  and  confidence  and 
esteem  of  their  peoples;  join  hands  to  help  humanity  forward 
along  the  paths  which  we  have  been  so  happy  as  to  tread. 
Let  us  help  each  other  to  grow  in  wisdom  and  in  spirit,  as  we 
have  grown  in  wealth  and  prosperity. 

Mr.  Chairman,  my  poor  words  are  all  too  ineffective 
to  express  the  depth  of  sentiment  and  height  of  hope  that 
I  experience  here.  I  beHeve  this  is  not  an  idle  dream;  I 
believe  it  is  not  merely  the  kindly  expression  or  enthusiasm 
of  the  moment,  but  that  after  this  day  there  will  remain 
among  both  our  peoples  a  sentiment  w^hich  will  be  of  incal- 
culable benefit  to  the  great  mass  of  mankind,  which  shall  help 
these  two  great  nations  to  preserve  and  promote  the  rule  of 
ordered  liberty,  of  peace  and  justice,  and  of  that  spirit, 
which  underlies  all  our  Christian  civilization,  the  spirit  of 


BRAZIL  35 

humanity,  higher  than  the  spirit  of  nationality,  more  precious 
than  material  wealth,  indispensable  to  the  true  fulfillment  of 
the  mission  of  liberty. 

SAO  PAULO 

Speech  of  Theodomiro  de  Camargo 

At  a  Mass-Meeting  of  Students  of  the  Law  School,  in  front  of  the 

Palacio  Chaves,  August  4,  1906 

The  Law  School  of  Sao  Paulo  is  the  tabernacle  of  our 
proudest  ideals,  of  our  most  grateful  traditions.  Thence 
departed  the  first  champions  of  liberty  for  the  holy  crusade 
of  the  slaves'  liberation;  there  expanded  and  strengthened 
the  republican  ideas  that  caused  the  fall  of  the  monarchy; 
thence  have  come  almost  all  our  rulers  and  leading  men. 

It  is  in  the  name  of  that  school,  sir,  that  I  salute  you  and 
give  you  welcome,  not  only  as  the  eminent  statesman  but 
also  and  specially  as  the  loyal  and  dedicated  friend  of 
Brazil. 

I  can  assure  you  that  conmion  to  all  Brazilians  are  the 
sentiments  of  true  sympathy  and  great  admiration  for  the 
noble  country  which  has  in  you  so  worthy  a  representative. 
This  sympathy  and  this  admiration,  common  to  all  Brazil- 
ians, are  well  deserved  by  the  wonderful  people  which  liber- 
ated Cuba  with  the  precious  blood  of  her  sons;  are  well 
deserved  by  the  generous  nation  which  contributed  so  much 
in  raising  in  the  Orient  the  banner  of  peace,  putting  an  end 
to  one  of  the  most  sanguinary  struggles  registered  in  univer- 
sal history.  The  deep  joy  with  which  you  have  been  received 
since  you  set  foot  on  Brazilian  soil  is  suflScient  to  assert  what 
I  say. 

We  rejoice  to  receive  your  visit  because  it  is  a  proof  that 
our  feelings  are  reciprocated,  and  also  because  it  will  be  a 
stronger  link  to  bind  forever  the  two  great  republics  that  are 
destined  to  lead  their  American  sisters  through  the  wide  path 
of  progress  and  civilization. 


36       LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

President  McKinley  wisely  said:  "  The  wisdom  and  energy 
of  all  the  nations  are  not  too  great  for  the  world's  work  ";  so 
our  earnest  vows  are  that  your  voyage  cooperates  for  the 
true  fraternity  of  the  American  republics,  that  they  may  work 
together  in  the  pursuit  of  the  highest  and  noblest  endeavor  of 
humanity,  which  is  universal  peace. 

Speech  of  Mr.  Galaor  Nazareth  de  Arujo,  of  the 
Normal  School 

**  Be  welcome,  distinguished  visitor!  "  This  phrase,  so  often 
addressed  to  you  during  your  voyage  in  Brazil,  may  now  be 
said  again  to  express  the  sincerity  with  which  the  people  of 
Sao  Paulo  receive  the  visit  of  one  of  the  greatest  statesmen 
of  modern  America. 

Amongst  the  institutions  of  education  of  this  city  there  is 
the  Normal  School,  which  has  always  tried  to  follow  the 
methods  and  systems  in  use  in  your  great  country. 

In  the  name  of  this  institution  and  representing  my  col- 
leagues, I  come  before  you,  sir,  to  repeat,  with  all  my 
heart,  the  words  you  have  heard  so  many  times  in  Brazil: 
"Welcome,  Mr.  Root!" 

Speech  of  Mr.  Gam  a,  jr.,  of  the  Comiherclax  School 

A  REPRESENTATIVE  of  a  peaceful  people  is  always  welcome 
to  Brazil.  You  know  already  our  traditional  policy.  From 
the  beginning  of  our  existence  as  a  nation  we  -have  accus- 
tomed ourselves  to  see  in  your  glorious  country  the  nation 
which,  first  of  all,  substituted  for  military  imperialism  the 
beneficent  and  civilizing  policy  of  free  commercial  expan- 
sion, joining  producers  and  consumers  without  any  link  of 
dependence. 

We  followed  with  ardent  sympathy  your  liberal  and  emi- 
nently humane  action  in  the  Chinese  Empire,  at  the  moment 
when  that  monarchy  seemed  doomed  to  dismemberment. 


BRAZIL  37 

And  you,  sir,  were  the  first  to  make  understood  the  need  of 
the  maintenance  of  the  administrative  and  territorial  status 
quo  of  that  empire,  to  which,  as  well  as  to  other  nationali- 
ties of  the  Far  East,  you  are  today  the  securest  guaranty  of 
national  integrity. 

You  come  to  us,  therefore,  with  the  credentials  of  a  peace- 
ful people,  and  of  a  people  that  respects  the  autonomy  of 
other  nations,  no  matter  how  weak  they  may  be. 

In  this  quality  we  open  to  you  our  arms,  and  we  heartily 
meet  your  wishes  in  the  assurance  that  we  contribute  to  the 
development  of  the  ideas  of  peace  and  steadiness,  without 
which  the  evolution  of  a  people  can  only  be  accomplished 
imperfectly  and  at  the  cost  of  many  centuries  of  hard  effort. 

The  United  States  of  Brazil  acknowledged  the  advantages 
of  a  perfect  communion  of  views  in  commercial  matters  with 
their  great  sister  of  North  America.  They  were  aware  that 
essentially  opposite  points  of  view  regarding  commercial 
interchange  separate  them  from  some  of  the  nations  of  the 
Old  World. 

So  long  as  on  the  other  side  of  the  Atlantic  an  almost 
invincible  barrier  of  customs  duties  impedes  the  entry  of  our 
products  into  markets  naturally  hostile  to  South  American 
productions,  our  country  has  only  two  alternatives:  either  to 
continue  the  very  irksome  commercial  relations  with  those 
markets,  or  to  look  for  others  with  evident  loss  of  a  part  of  the 
harmony  that  ought  to  exist  between  nations  affiliated  by 
origin  and  for  so  many  years  imited  by  the  most  intimate 
links  of  sympathy  and  intellectual  solidarity. 

Consequently,  we  adopted  the  legitimate  defense  of  protec- 
tionism, while  remaining  faithful  to  those  friendly  feelings, 
and  very  naturally  we  turned  to  the  continental  nation  that 
better  understood  the  advantages  of  a  free  exchange  of  prod- 
ucts; we  looked  unsuspiciously  to  the  friendly  people  who 
conceived  the  idea  of  making  in  America,  united  and  strong, 


38       LATIN  AlVIERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

a  large  neutral  area  devoted  to  peace  amidst  the  possible 
divergencies  that  may  perchance  in  time  separate  in  aggres- 
sive antagonism  a  rejuvenated  and  martial  Orient  and  the 
nations  of  the  West. 

We  understood  at  once  the  difficult  task  to  be  accom- 
plished, in  order,  by  your  side  and  with  your  aid,  to  secure 
the  neutralization  of  America,  so  desirable  and  so  necessary 
for  the  final  reconciliation  of  nations  still  militarized,  and  for 
the  establishment  of  a  secure  standpoint  for  the  general 
fraternization  of  mankind. 

All  the  enthusiastic  appreciation  of  the  twenty-one  democ- 
racies that  follow  and  love  your  deed,  and  all  the  facilities  and 
cooperation  that  they  can  offer  for  its  accomplishment,  you 
will  find,  sir,  should  you  visit  them  as  you  now  do  one  of  their 
number,  in  the  corresponding  twenty-one  Brazilian  capitals. 

The  Commercial  School  of  Sao  Paulo,  from  which  very 
likely  will  come  later  commercial  agents  of  Brazil,  sincerely 
espouses  your  policy  of  peace  and  solidarity  on  the  American 
continent;  and  in  the  person  of  its  eminent  chancellor 
salutes  the  noble  North  American  nation. 

Reply  of  Mr.  Root 

I  THANK  you,  students  of  Sao  Paulo,  for  your  greeting  and 
for  your  generous  sympathy. 

I  am  here  upon  a  mission  of  friendship  and  of  appreciation. 
I  am  here  in  order  that  my  country  may  know  more  of  the 
people  of  Brazil,  and  in  order  that  the  people  of  Brazil  may 
learn  more  of  my  country,  believing  that  the  cause  of  almost 
all  controversy  between  nations,  the  most  fertile  source  of 
weakness  and  of  war,  is  national  misunderstanding  and  the 
prejudice  that  comes  from  misunderstanding. 

I  shall  go  back  to  my  country  and  tell  my  people  that  I 
have  found  in  this  famous  city  of  learning,  Sao  Paulo,  a  great 
body  of  young  men  who  are  gathering  inspiration  in  the 


BRAZIL  39 

cause  of  learning  and  of  human  rights  from  the  atmosphere 
of  liberty  and  independence. 

I  shall  tell  them  that  here,  where  the  independence  of 
Brazil  was  bom,  the  spirit  of  that  independence  still  lives  in 
the  youth  of  Brazil. 

I  shall  tell  them  that  here  in  the  birthplace  of  presidents 
more  young  Brazilians  are  treading  the  jfirst  steps  in  the  path- 
way of  patriotism  and  greatness,  pressing  on  to  take  the 
place,  to  take  up  and  continue  the  great  work  of  the  men 
bom  in  Sao  Paulo,  who  have  contributed  so  mightily  to  the 
greatness  of  Brazil. 

Let  me  say  one  word,  young  gentlemen,  as  to  the  lessons 
that  you  may  draw  from  your  country's  glorious  past. 

Noble  and  inspiring  as  are  the  victories  Brazil  has  won  in 
war;  remarkable,  eloquent,  imsurpassed  as  are  the  great 
things  done  in  the  past  by  the  Paulistas,  greater  and  nobler 
victories  of  peace  await  the  people  of  Brazil  and  Sao  Paulo. 

You  have,  as  my  country  had,  a  vast  continent  with 
savage  nature  to  subdue.  You  have,  as  my  country  had, 
with  almost  immeasurable  forests  fit  for  human  habitation, 
to  welcome  to  your  free  land  the  millions  of  Europe  seeking 
to  escape  from  hard  conditions  of  grinding  poverty.  You 
have  before  you  that  noblest  product  of  our  time,  that 
chief  residt  of  our  institutions,  the  open  path  to  progress 
and  success  for  every  youth  of  Brazil.  Because  this  is  a 
free  land,  because  you  are  a  republic,  because  you  are  a 
self-governing  people,  there  is  no  limit  to  what  each  one 
of  you  may  accomplish  by  the  exercise  of  your  own  knowl- 
edge, determination,  and  ability.  It  is  the  free  spirit  that 
keeps  open  the  door  of  that  limitless  expanse,  and  that 
will  conquer  the  wilderness  and  make  Brazil  a  refuge  for  the 
poor  of  other  lands,  and  a  country  rich  and  teeming  with 
people,  prosperous,  learned,  and  happy  in  the  years  and 
centuries  to  come. 


40       LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 
Speech  of  Mr.  Root 

On  Presenting  a  Football  Trophy,  Sao  Paulo,  August  4, 1906 

The  pleasant  and  honorable  duty  of  presenting  to  you  this 
prize  of  success  in  the  fine  and  rapid  and  skillful  game  we 
have  just  witnessed  has  been  delegated  to  me  by  the  kindness 
and  consideration  of  the  President  and  Government  of  the 
state  of  Sao  Paulo. 

It  is  a  fitting  act  with  which  to  signalize  my  first  visit  to 
this  historic  and  famous  city,  this  ancient  center  of  activity 
and  manly  vigor,  this  state  famous  for  centuries  for  its  great 
and  noble  deeds,  and  known  now  throughout  the  world  for 
its  successful  industry  and  commerce,  known  also  as  the 
home  of  great  men  and  great  patriots  in  the  history  of 
Brazil. 

May  the  generous  emulation  of  this  courteous  and  gentle- 
manly game  which  you  have  been  playing,  be  a  symbol  of 
activity  in  the  commercial,  industrial,  and  social  life  of  the 
country;  above  all,  may  it  be  a  symbol  of  your  lives  as 
patriots,  as  citizens  of  Brazil.  Let  the  best  man  ever  win.  Let 
activity  and  skill  and  pluck  ever  have  their  just  rewards.  Do 
for  your  country  always  as  you  have  done  for  your  rival 
teams  in  this  game  of  football.  Do  always  your  best,  and  do 
it  always  with  good  temper  and  kindly  feeling,  whatever  be 
the  game. 

I  congratulate  you,  sir,  and  your  associates,  upon  being 
citizens  of  a  country  and  of  a  state  —  both  you  of  Rio  de 
Janeiro  and  you  Paulistas,  —  where  the  rewards  of  enterprise 
and  activity  are  secure,  and  where  there  is  open  to  every 
youth  the  pathway  of  success  by  deserving  success.  May 
this  prize  be  an  incentive  to  you  and  your  comrades  to  exer- 
cise every  manly  effort,  both  for  yourselves  and  for  your 
country. 


BRAZIL  41 


SANTOS 


Speech  of  Doctor  Rezende 

At  the  Commercial  Association  of  Santos,  August  7, 1906* 

On  behalf  of  the  Board  of  Directors  of  the  Commercial 
Association  of  Santos,  I  bid  you  welcome. 

The  men  gathered  in  this  hall  to  greet  you  are  cosmopolitan 
in  character  —  Americans,  Europeans,  and  Brazilians  —  men 
who  have  imited  their  best  efforts  in  the  great  movement  of 
distributing  coffee  throughout  the  whole  world. 

Coffee  is  our  staple  product,  and  for  many  years  to  come  is 
bound  to  be  the  backbone  of  our  financial  system. 

The  value  of  this  great  product  is,  however,  much  greater 
than  is  shown  by  the  simple  figures  of  statistics. 

In  order  to  understand  its  true  value,  we  must  add  to  it  the 
other  articles  which  are  produced  with  it,  and  which  are 
unknown  to  the  commercial  world. 

Coffee  also  means  com,  beans,  rice,  cattle,  etc.,  which  are 
abundantly  raised  by  our  coffee  planters;  coffee  means  also 
all  of  our  infant  industries,  and  those  prosperous  towns  which 
dot  the  romantic  shores  of  the  Tiet6,  Paranahyba,  and  the 
Mogy-Guastj.  For  us,  sir,  coffee  means  plenty,  prosperity, 
and  perhaps  greatness. 

It  is  therefore  easy  to  see  how  deeply  we  are  interested  in 
the  growth  of  American  commerce  and  civilization.  The 
American  people  need  for  their  trade  nearly  eleven  million 
bags  of  coffee  per  annum,  or  almost  all  of  an  average  crop  of 
the  state  of  Sao  Paulo. 

It  is  not  necessary  to  lay  special  stress  on  this  main  fact, 
production  and  consumption;  one  is  the  complement  of  the 
other,  and  the  development  of  both  our  activities  and  inter- 
ests are  so  identified  that  we  cannot  talk  of  coffee  without 
thinking  of  its  greatest  consumer,  the  American  people. 


42       LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

Seventeen  years  ago,  in  1889,  James  G.  Blaine,  one  of  your 
most  distinguished  statesmen,  called  together  the  first  Pan 
American  Congress  in  Washington.  It  is  a  long  time  for  us 
business  men  to  wait.  We  feel,  however,  that  the  ideals  of 
that  great  statesman  have  not  yet  been  realized.  The  great 
distance  which  separates  us  is  perhaps  somewhat  responsible 
for  the  want  of  closer  relations  between  our  peoples;  and 
when  your  visit  to  our  shores  was  first  announced,  we  Brazil- 
ians all  felt  that  your  presence  in  Brazil  meant  a  new 
departure  in  American-Brazilian  relations. 

We  are  looking  forward  with  eagerness  for  the  results  of  the 
sessions  of  the  Pan  American  Congress  in  Rio;  and  this 
interest  has  been  greatly  augmented  by  the  high  honor  you 
confer  upon  us  in  selecting  this  opportunity  to  visit  our 
people  and  our  country,  thus  strengthening  the  ties  of  friend- 
ship between  Americans  and  Brazilians;  and  though  we 
belong  to  a  class  accustomed  to  consider  only  facts  and  cold 
figures,  we  are  deeply  touched  by  this  high  distinction,  and, 
representing  the  Santos  Board  of  Trade  and  the  coffee 
planters  of  Sao  Paulo  —  the  greatest  coffee  producers  of 
the  world  —  I  offer  most  hearty  greetings  to  you,  and 
through  you  to  the  great  American  people,  the  chief  con- 
sumers of  coffee  in  the  world. 

Reply  of  Mr.  Root 

It  is  a  great  pleasure  to  represent  here  in  this  great  com- 
mercial city  the  best  and  largest  customer  you  have.  The 
United  States  of  America  bought  in  the  last  fiscal  year,  the 
statistics  of  which  have  been  made  public,  from  the  United 
States  of  Brazil  about  $99,000,000  worth  of  goods,  and  we 
sold  to  Brazil  about  $11,000,000  worth  of  goods.  I  should 
like  to  see  the  trade  more  even;  I  should  like  to  see  the  pros- 
perity of  Brazil  so  increase  that  the  purchasing  power  of 
Brazil  will  grow;  and  I  should  like  to  see  the  activity  of 


BRAZIL  43 

that  purchasing  power  turned  towards  the  markets  of  the 
North  American  republic.  I  am  well  aware  that  the  course 
of  trade  cannot  be  controlled  by  sentiment  or  by  govern- 
ments. It  follows  its  own  immutable  laws  and  is  drawn 
solely  in  the  direction  of  profit.  But  there  are  many  ways  in 
which  the  coiu-se  of  trade  can  be  facilitated,  can  be  stimu- 
lated, can  be  induced  and  increased.  Mutual  knowledge 
leads  to  trade.  All  the  advertisement  in  the  world  which 
pays  is  but  the  means  of  carrying  information,  knowledge, 
and  suggestion  to  the  mind  that  reads  the  advertisement. 
Mutual  knowledge  as  between  the  people  of  North  America 
and  the  people  of  Brazil  —  knowledge  as  between  the  indi- 
vidual people  —  will  increase  the  trade.  Our  people  will  buy 
more  coffee  and  more  sugar  and  more  rubber  from  the  people 
they  know,  from  the  various  trading  concerns  that  they  know 
about,  than  they  will  from  strangers.  Mutual  knowledge 
cannot  exist  without  mutual  respect.  I  believe  so  much  in 
the  goodness  of  humanity  that  I  think  no  two  people  can 
know  each  other  without  respecting  each  other. 

There  is  the  friendliest  feeling  in  the  United  States  of 
America  for  the  people  of  Brazil,  and  we  believe  that  there  is 
great  friendliness  in  this  country  for  the  people  of  the  United 
States.  We  wish  to  be  good  friends  and  ever  better  friends; 
to  enlarge  our  mutual  trade  to  the  advantage  of  both;  and 
it  is  to  express  that  feeling  to  you  from  my  people  with  all  the 
kindliness  and  friendship  possible,  that  I  am  here  in  Brazil. 
It  has  been  a  great  privilege  to  see  something  of  your  great 
coffee  production  —  from  the  coffee  plant  on  its  red  platform 
of  the  peculiar  soil  of  Sao  Paulo  to  the  bags  of  coffee  being 
carried  to  the  steamer  in  which  it  is  to  be  transported  to  the 
markets  of  the  world.  It  is  pleasing  to  me  to  see  that  the 
great  commercial  port  of  Santos  has  by  the  improvement  of 
its  harbor  facilities  become  more  and  more  great,  and  has 
done  away  with  the  unhealthiness  that  once  existed.    I  con- 


44       LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

gratulate  you  upon  the  fact  that  you  have  made  your  port 
and  your  city  so  healthy  that  yellow  fever  no  longer  exists. 

This  is  probably  the  last  word  I  shall  utter  in  public  before 
I  leave  the  coast  of  Brazil,  and  as  I  pass  from  among  you,  I 
shall  endeavor  to  make  my  last  word  an  expression  of  grate- 
ful appreciation  for  all  the  courtesy,  the  kindliness,  and  the 
friendliness  which  has  surrounded  me  every  hour,  from  the 
moment  I  first  landed  at  Para  three  weeks  ago  today.  My 
reception  and  that  of  all  my  family  —  the  attentions  that 
have  been  paid  to  us,  the  kindness  that  has  been  exhibited  — 
far  exceed  anything  that  I  anticipated  or  had  hoped  for;  and 
I  beg  you  to  believe  that  we  shall  never  forget  it.  We  shall 
make  it  known  to  our  people  when  we  return  home.  I 
believe  that  it  will  increase  the  friendship  they  feel  for  the 
people  of  Brazil;  and  it  is  with  the  greatest  satisfaction  that 
I  shall  feel  entitled  upon  my  return  to  say  to  the  people  of  the 
United  States  that  I  have  found  in  the  republic  of  Brazil  a 
country  to  which  the  laborers  of  the  world  may  come  to  make 
new  homes  and  to  rear  their  families  in  prosperity  and  in 
happiness;  that  I  may  say  to  my  people  that  I  have  found 
in  the  republic  of  Brazil  a  country  where  capital  is  secure, 
where  the  rights  of  man  are  held  sacred,  and  the  rewards  of 
enterprise  may  be  reaped  without  hindrance.  I  shall  go  from 
you  with  the  hope  that  in  my  weak  way  I  may  do  what  it  is 
possible  for  one  man  to  do  in  return  for  all  the  friendship  that 
you  have  shown  me  throughout  Brazil  —  may  give  my  evi- 
dence to  aid  in  turning  towards  your  vast  and  undeveloped 
resources  that  immigration  and  that  capital  which  have  been 
the  means  of  building  up  and  developing  the  vast  riches  of 
my  own  country.  I  hope  that  the  same  brilliant  and  pros- 
perous success  that  has  blessed  my  own  land  may  for  many 
generations  visit  the  people  of  Brazil.  I  hope  that  for  many 
a  year  to  come  the  two  peoples,  so  similar  in  their  laws,  their 
institutions,  their  purposes,  and  the  great  task  of  develop- 


BRAZIL  45 

ment  that  lies  before  them,  may  continue  to  grow  in  friend- 
ship and  in  mutual  help.  And  so,  gentlemen,  I  make  to  you, 
and  through  you  to  the  people  of  Brazil,  my  grateful  and 
appreciative  farewell. 

PAEA 

Speech  of  His  Excellency  Augusto  Montenegro 
Governor  of  the  State  of  Para 

In  the  City  of  Pard  (Belem),  at  a  Breakfast  given  by  him  to  Mr.  Root 
July  17. 1906 

I  WILL  say  but  a  few  words  in  offering  the  health  of  Mr.  Root, 

the  very  illustrious  Secretary  of  State  of  the  United  States  of 

North  Ajnerica.    I  regret  exceedingly  that  Mr.  Root  should 

have  only  a  few  hours  available  tp  remain  among  us;  but  1 

know  that  his  time  is  limited  and  that  he  cannot  remain 

among  us  without  inconvenience;  however,  I  hope  that  these 

few  hours  which  His  Excellency  has  devoted  to  Para  will  have 

been  sufficient  for  him  to  carry  away  a  good  impression  of 

this  region.    I  also  fervently  hop)e  that  Mr.  Root's  visit  may 

mark  the  beginning  of  a  new  era  in  the  diplomacy  of  the  two 

Americas,  and  that,  if  possible,  it  may  contribute  still  further 

to  a  strengthening  of  the  friendly  ties  which  already  bind  the 

two  republics  together.   I  hope  that  Mr.  Root  will  gather  the 

very  best  impressions  of  the  whole  country  from  his  other 

visits.    I  am  certain  that  he  will  be  received  everywhere  with 

that  cordiality,  hospitality,  and  affection  which  we  proudly 

proclaim  as  being  among  the  chief  characteristics  of  the 

Brazilians.    I  drink  to  the  health  of  Mr.  Root  and  of  the 

great  and  noble  President  of  the  United  States  of  North 

America. 

Reply  op  Mb.  Root 

I  THANK  you  most  sincerely  for  your  kind  expressions  and  for 
your  gracious  hospitality.  It  is  with  the  greatest  pleasure 
that  I  have  come  to  the  great  republic  of  Brazil,  that  I 
might  by  my  presence  testify  to  the  high  consideration  enter- 


46       LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

tained  by  the  Republic  of  the  North  for  her  sister  republic; 
that  I  might  testify  to  the  strong  desire  of  the  United  States 
of  America  for  the  continuance  of  the  growth  of  friendship 
between  her  and  the  United  States  of  Brazil.  Both  of  us  — 
both  of  our  countries,  —  have  of  recent  years  been  growing  so 
great  and  rich  that  we  can  afford  now  to  visit  our  friends, 
and  also  to  entertain  our  friends.  Let  us  therefore  know 
each  other  better.  I  am  sure  that  the  more  intimately  we 
know  each  other  the  better  friends  we  shall  be.  I  know  that 
because  I  know  the  feelings  of  my  countrymen,  and  I  know 
it  because  I  experience  your  whole-hearted  hospitality. 

It  has  been  a  delight  for  me  to  see  your  beautiful,  bright, 
and  cheerful  city,  which,  with  its  people  happy  and  giving 
evidence  of  well-being  and  prosperity,  with  its  comfortable 
homes,  with  its  noble  monuments,  with  its  great  public 
buildings  and  institutions  of  beneficence,  with  its  beautiful 
flowers  and  noble  trees,  justifies  all  that  I  had  dreamed  of 
in  this  august  city  of  the  great  empire  which  reaches  from 
the  Amazon  to  the  Uruguay. 

I  thank  you  for  your  reference  to  the  President  of  the 
United  States.  His  great,  strong,  human  heart  beats  in 
unison  with  everything  that  is  noble  in  the  heart  of  any 
nation  and  with  every  aspiration  of  true  manhood.  Every 
effort  tending  to  help  a  people  on  in  civilization  and  in  pros- 
perity finds  a  reflex  and  response  in  his  desire  for  their  happi- 
ness. He  is  a  true  and  genuine  friend  of  all  Americans, 
north  and  south.  In  his  name  I  thank  you  for  the  welcome 
you  have  given  me,  and  in  his  name  I  propose  a  toast  to  the 
President  of  the  United  States  of  Brazil. 


BRAZIL  47 


PERNAMBUCO 

SXTMMABY  OF  SPEECH   OF  HiS  EXCELLENCY  SiGISMUNDO 

GONgALVEZ 

Governor  op  the  State  of  Pernambuco 

At  a  Breakfast  given  by  him  to  Mr.  Root,  in  the  City  of  Pernambuco 
(Recife),  July  22,  1906 

His  Excellency  Sigismundo  Gon^alvez,  Governor  of  Pernambuco,  said 
that  he  had  never  felt  so  strong  a  desire  to  speak  English  in  order  to 
express  the  satisfaction  he  felt  at  receiving  the  distinguished  visitor,  and 
after  wishing  the  Secretary  a  very  pleasant  and  prosperous  voyage,  pro- 
posed the  health  of  President  Roosevelt.* . 

Reply  of  Mr.  Root 

I  REGRET  in  my  turn  that  I  cannot  respond  to  you  in  the 
language  of  the  great  race  which  has  made  the  great  country 
of  Brazil.  I  thank  you  both  for  myself  and  in  behalf  of  my 
country  for  your  generous  hospitality  and  the  friendship  you 
have  exhibited.  It  is  the  sincere  desire  of  the  President  and 
of  all  the  people  of  the  United  States  to  maintain  with  the 
people  of  Brazil  a  firm,  sincere,  and  helpful  friendship. 
Much  as  we  differ,  in  many  respects  we  are  alike.  Like  yours, 
oiu"  fathers  fought  for  their  coimtry  against  savage  Indians. 
Like  yours,  our  fathers  fought  to  maintain  their  race  in  their 
country  against  other  European  races.  *  It  is  a  delight  for  me 
on  these  historic  shores  to  come  to  this  famous  place,  made 
glorious  by  such  centuries  of  heroic,  free,  and  noble  patriotism. 
It  is  especially  delightful  for  me  to  be  welcomed  here,  where 
the  cause  of  human  freedom  received  the  powerful  and  ever- 
memorable  support  of  a  native  of  Pernambuco,  whose  name 
is  dear  to  me,  Joaquim  Nabuco  —  a  name  inherited  from  a 
distinguished  ancestry  by  my  good  friend,  your  illustrious 
townsman,  the  present  ambassador  of  Brazil  to  the  United 
States.  It  is  the  chief  function  of  an  ambassador  from  one 
country  to  another  to  interpret  to  the  people  to  whom  he 

'  This  speech  was  not  reported  and  therefore  cannot  be  reproduced. 


48       LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

goes  the  people  from  whom  he  comes;  and  Joaquim  Nabuco 
has  presented  to  the  people  of  the  United  States  a  concep- 
tion of  Brazilians,  and  especially  of  the  men  of  Pernambuco, 
admirable  and  worthy  of  all  esteem.  He  is  our  friend,  and 
because  he  is  our  friend  we  wish  to  be  your  friends.  I  ask 
you  to  join  me  now  in  drinking  to  the  health  of  the  President 
of  the  republic  of  Brazil. 

BAHIA 

Speech  of  His  Excellency  Senhor  Doctob  Jose 

JVIarcelino  de  Souza 

Governor  of  Bahia 

At  a  Banquet  given  by  him  to  Mr.  Root,  at  Bahia,  July  24, 1906 

It  is  not  without  reason  that  the  entire  world  is  elated  at  the 
grand  spectacle  exhibited  in  the  New  World  congregating  its 
free  and  independent  peoples  in  order  to  lay  the  foundations 
of  a  lasting  peace. 

In  fact,  the  Old  World  looks  on  with  sincere  admiration  at 
the  complete  demolition  of  the  ancient  precepts  of  inter- 
national law.  Ever  since  the  right  of  the  stronger  has 
ceased  to  supersede  the  sound  principles  of  justice;  ever 
since  the  divine  philosophy  of  the  Jews  taught  men  brotherly 
love  for  one  another,  the  ancient  international  law  underwent 
profound  transformations. 

Notwithstanding  this,  however,  for  a  long  time  armies  and 
costly  navies  continued  to  weigh  down  our  public  treasuries 
and  the  cannon  continued  to  decide  questions  arising  among 
nations. 

Now,  all  Europe  has  its  eyes  turned  towards  America, 
which  has  noteworthily  constituted  itself  the  apostle  of  peace. 

For  a  long  time  the  American  peoples  have  been  settling 
their  difficulties  by  means  of  arbitration. 

It  is  this  policy  that  is  seen  to  be  manifesting  itself  since 
the  downfall  of  the  ancient  institute  of  international  law 


BRAZIL  49 

which,  instead  of  causing  the  people  on  the  other  side  of  the 
Atlantic  fear,  ought  to  fill  them  with  joy,  because  it  tightens 
the  international  economic  and  commercial  relations  of  this 
planet. 

These  are  the  aims  and  objects  of  Pan  Americanism. 

It  does  not  inculcate  war.  Its  gospel  is  concord.  It  has 
seen  what  a  little  while  ago  was  nothing  more  than  the  dream 
of  poets,  the  ideal  of  philosophers,  develop  into  a  reality. 

Gentlemen,  America  must  grow  up,  but  intrenching  itself 
with  peace,  and  growing  not  by  the  augmentation  of  the 
sinews  of  war  but  by  systematizing  and  utilizing  the  resources 
of  her  economic  force. 

This  is  the  ideal  of  American  nations.  Therefore,  although 
the  other  continents  have  long  feared  this  propaganda,  it  is  to 
be  hoped  that  she  will  carry  out  her  program  of  love  and  of 
fraternization,  because  thus  America  will  have  established 
international  and  economic  relations  with  the  entire  world 
upon  indestructible  foundations. 

The  Honorable  Elihu  Root,  the  herald  of  the  prosperous 
and  powerful  North  American  republic,  who  brings  to  Brazil 
the  assurance  of  his  friendship  and  the  most  hearty  support 
of  the  Pan  American  Congress  whose  third  conference  has 
just  been  opened  at  Rio,  is  the  most  important  missionary  of 
that  gospel. 

The  presence  of  His  Excellency  in  that  noteworthy  assem- 
blage is  the  assurance  of  reconciliation,  of  the  growth  of  the 
free  people  of  America. 

Bahia,  an  important  part  of  the  Brazilian  Federation, 
which  receives  this  testimonial  of  friendship  from  the  great 
republic  of  the  North,  through  its  Secretary  of  State,  cannot 
help  but  feel  the  greatest  joy  at  foreseeing  the  great  results  of 
that  conference  and  of  this  auspicious  visit,  which  assumes 
the  proportions  of  an  embassy,  of  an  appeal  to  the  republics 
of  the  new  continent  for  the  inauguration  of  inseparable 


50       LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

bonds  of  mutual  solidarity,  for  the  concerted  effort  to  compel 
the  disappearance  of  the  sad  note  of  war. 

In  the  shadow  of  the  solemn  inauguration  of  Pan  Ameri- 
canism, three  nations  of  Central  America  found  themselves  in 
the  battlefield  in  a  deplorable  spectacle  of  hatred  and 
bloodshed. 

Happily,  as  is  announced  by  telegraph,  thanks  to  the  good 
offices  of  the  United  States  and  of  Mexico,  peace  has  been 
established  among  the  nations,  to  the  honor  of  the  Christian 
civilization  of  our  continent. 

This  policy  of  concord,  therefore,  accomplishes  good.  I 
repeat,  America  must  prosper.  It  is  necessary  that  the  Mon- 
roe Doctrine  triumph,  not  to  the  exclusion  of  the  civilization 
of  the  Old  World,  but  to  the  benefit  of  all  humanity. 

Nature  has  cut  the  continent  from  north  to  south  without 
regard  to  its  continuity;  from  north  to  south  is  the  same  poli- 
tical regime;  and  protecting  it  with  two  great  nations,  nature 
has  not  wished  to  isolate  us  from  the  rest  of  the  world,  but  on 
the  contrary  to  endow  us  with  sources  of  wealth  and  to 
multiply  the  means  of  easy  communication  with  centers  of 
civilization. 

Gentlemen,  in  the  name  of  Bahia,  I  greet  the  great  ideal  of 
humanity  that  is  treading  a  victorious  path!  I  greet  the 
republic  of  North  America,  the  efficient  collaborator  in  this 
profoundly  humane  policy,  the  principal  promoter  of  the 
Pan  American  Conference,  in  the  person  of  its  illustrious 
Secretary  of  State,  Elihu  Root! 

Reply  op  Mr.  Root 

I  BEG  to  acknowledge  with  sincere  appreciation  your  kindly 
and  most  flattering  expressions  regarding  myself.  I  receive 
with  joy  the  expression  of  sentiments  regarding  my  country, 
which  I  hope  may  be  shared  by  every  citizen  of  the  great 
republic  of  Brazil.    It  is  with  much  sentiment  that  I  find 


BRAZIL  51 

myself  at  the  gateway  of  the  south,  through  which  the  civi- 
lization of  Europe  entered  from  the  Iberian  Peninsula  the 
vast  regions  of  South  America.  I,  whose  fathers  came 
through  the  northern  gateway,  on  Massachusetts  Bay,  thou- 
sands of  miles  away, — where  the  winters  bring  ice  and  snow 
and  where  a  rugged  soil  greeted  the  first  adventurers, — find 
here  another  people  working  out  for  themselves  the  same 
problems  of  self-government,  seeking  the  same  goal  of  indi- 
vidual liberty,  of  peace,  of  prosperity,  that  we  have  been 
seeking  in  the  far  north  for  so  many  years.  We  are  alike  in 
that  we  have  no  concern  in  the  primary  objects  of  European 
diplomacy;  we  are  free  from  the  traditions,  from  the  con- 
troversies, which  the  close  neighborhood  of  centuries  on  the 
continent  of  Europe  has  created  —  free,  thank  Heaven, 
from  necessity  for  the  maintenance  of  great  armies  and  great 
navies  to  guard  our  frontiers,  leaving  us  to  give  our  minds  to 
the  problem  of  building  up  governments  by  the  people  which 
shaU  give  prosperity  and  peace  and  individual  opportunity 
to  every  citizen.  In  this  great  work,  it  is  my  firm  belief  that 
we  can  greatly  assist  each  other,  if  it  be  only  by  sympathy 
and  friendship,  by  intercourse,  exchange  of  opinions  and 
experience,  each  giving  to  the  other  the  benefits  of  its  success, 
and  helping  the  other  to  find  out  the  causes  of  its  failures. 
We  can  aid  each  other  by  the  peaceful  exchanges  of  trade. 
Our  trade  —  yes,  our  trade  is  valuable,  and  may  it  increase; 
may  it  increase  to  the  wealth  and  prosperity  of  both  nations. 
But  there  is  something  more  than  trade;  there  is  the  aspi- 
ration to  make  life  worth  living,  that  uplifts  humanity. 
To  accomplish  success  in  this  is  the  goal  we  seek  to  attain. 
There  is  the  happiness  of  life;  and  what  is  trade  if  it  does 
not  bring  happiness  to  life  ?  In  this  the  dissimilarity  of 
our  peoples  may  enable  us  to  aid  each  other.  We  of  the 
north  are  somewhat  more  sturdy  in  our  efforts,  and  there  are 
those  who  claim  we  work  too  hard.    We  are  too  strenuous  in 


52       LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

our  lives.  I  wish  that  my  people  could  gather  some  of  the 
charm  and  grace  of  living  in  Bahia.  We  may  give  to  you 
some  added  strength  and  strenuousness;  you  may  give  to  us 
some  of  the  beauty  of  life.  I  wish  I  could  make  you  feel  —  I 
wish  stiU  more  that  I  could  make  my  countrymen  feel  —  what 
dehght  I  experience  in  visiting  your  city,  and  in  observing 
the  combination  of  the  bright,  cheerful  colors  which  adorn 
your  homes  and  daily  life,  with  the  beautiful  tones  that  time 
has  given  to  the  century-old  walls  and  battlements  that  look 
down  upon  your  noble  bay.  The  combination  has  seemed  to 
me,  as  I  have  looked  upon  it  today,  to  be  most  remarkable; 
and  these  varying  scenes  of  beauty  have  seemed  to  be  sug- 
gestive of  what  nations  can  do  for  each  other,  some  giving 
the  beauty  and  the  tender  tones;  some  giving  the  sturdy  and 
strenuous  effort.  May  the  intercourse  between  the  people  of 
the  north  and  the  people  of  Brazil  hereafter  not  be  confined 
to  an  occasional  visitor.  May  the  advance  of  transportation 
bring  new  and  swift  steamship  lines  to  be  established  be- 
tween the  coasts  of  North  and  South  America.  May  we  hope 
by  frequently  visiting  each  other  to  make  our  peoples  strong 
in  intercoiu'se  and  friendship.  May  we  be  of  mutual  advan- 
tage and  help  to  each  other  along  the  pathway  of  common 
prosperity,  and  may  my  people  ever  be  mindful  of  the  honor 
which  you  have  done  to  them,  through  the  gracious  and 
bountiful  hospitality  with  which  you  have  made  me  happy! 

Speech  of  Senator  Ruy  Barbosa 

After  Mr.  Root's  admirable  speech,  after  such  an  orator  as 
Mr.  Root,  and  so  inspired  as  he  has  been,  nobody  should  have 
the  courage  to  speak.  Nevertheless,  I  do  not  know  how  to 
resist  the  wishes  of  our  amiable  host,  our  eminent  Secretary 
for  Foreign  Affairs,  and  of  those  who  surround  me  here. 
This  is  quite  an  unexpected  surprise  for  me;  but  it  comes  in 


BRAZIL  53 

so  imperious  a  way  that  I  cannot  but  submit,  hoping  you  will 
be  indulgent. 

We  have  felt  in  Mr.  Root's  words  the  vibration  of  the 
American  soul  in  all  its  intensity,  in  all  its  eloquence,  in  all 
its  power,  in  all  its  trustiness.  So  they  could  not  have  a 
better  answer  than  the  applause  of  so  brilHant  an  audience  as 
has  just  greeted  his  remarkable  speech.  However,  since  the 
task  of  rendering  the  echo  of  IVIr.  Root's  words  in  our  hearts 
devolves  upon  me,  1  can  only  perform  it  truthfully  by  thank- 
ing him  "  again  and  still  again,"  for  his  beneficent  visit  to 
Brazil. 

We  suppose,  Mr.  Root,  that  it  does  not  come  only  from 
you.  We  are  sure  that  you  would  not  take  this  far-reaching 
step  unless  you  counted,  without  a  shadow  of  doubt,  upon 
the  sanction  of  American  opinion.  And  knowing  as  we  do 
that  the  United  States  are,  from  every  standpoint,  the  most 
complete  and  dazzling  success  among  modern  nations, 
admiring  them  as  the  honor  and  pride  of  our  continent,  we 
rejoice,  we  exult,  to  open  our  homes,  our  bosoms,  the  arms  of 
our  modest  and  honest  hospitality,  to  the  giant  of  the  repub- 
lics, to  the  mother  of  American  democracies,  in  the  person 
of  her  own  Government,  one  of  whose  strongest  and  noblest 
functions  centers  in  the  person  of  her  Secretary  of  State. 

Our  life  as  an  independent  nation  is  not  yet  a  long  one.  We 
are,  as  such,  only  about  eighty  years  old,  albeit  this  may  not 
be  a  very  brief  period  in  these  days  of  ours,  when  time  should 
not  be  measured  by  the  number  of  years,  inasmuch  as  not  a 
great  deal  more  than  a  century  has  been  enough  for  the 
United  States  to  become  one  of  the  greatest  powers  in  the 
world.  Short  as  it  is,  however,  our  national  existence  has  not 
been  devoid  of  noble  dates,  of  fruitful  and  memorable  events. 

Amidst  them,  Mr.  Root,  this  one  will  stand  forever  as  a 
blessed  landmark,  or  rather  as  the  gushing-out  of  a  new 


54       LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

political  stream,  whose  waves  of  peace,  of  freedom,  of 
morality,  shall  spread  by  and  by  all  over  the  immensity  of 
our  continent. 

This  is  our  wish,  I  will  not  say  our  dream,  but  our  hope. 
You  must  have  felt  it,  and  will  continue  to  feel  it,  at  the 
throbbing  of  our  national  arteries,  in  Recife,  in  Bahia,  now 
in  this  capital,  and  tomorrow  in  Sao  Paulo. 

Do  not  see  in  my  words  the  looming  of  a  momentous  sen- 
sation. No  I  They  do  not  tell  my  own  impressions  as  an 
individual.  They  convey  truthfully  the  voice  of  the  people 
through  the  lips  of  a  man  who  does  not  serve  other  interests. 
They  only  anticipate,  I  believe,  what  you  shall  hear  from  our 
legislative  representation,  in  the  highest  demonstration  of 
public  feeling  possible  under  a  popular  government;  may 
the  historic  scene  of  Lafayette,  the  liberal  French  soldier,  the 
fellow-helper  in  American  independence,  being  received  in  the 
American  House  of  Representatives,  find  a  worthy  imitation 
in  the  reception  of  the  great  American  Minister,  the  daring 
promoter  of  union  in  the  American  continent,  by  the  two 
Houses  of  our  National  Congress. 

So  let  us  raise  our  cup  to  the  northern  colossus,  the  model 
of  liberal  republics,  the  United  States  of  America,  in  their 
living  and  vigorous  personification,  in  their  image  visible  and 
cherished  among  us,  Mr.  Elihu  Root. 


URUGUAY 

MONTEVIDEO 

Speech  of  His  Excellency  Jose  Romeu 

Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs 

At  a  Banquet  given  by  him  to  Mr.  Root,  August  10,  1906 

WHEN,  after  plowing  through  the  waters  of  the  Carib- 
bean Sea  and  running  along  the  eastern  coast  of  Brazil 
the  North  American  cruiser  Charleston  entered  the  magnifi- 
cent bay  of  Rio  de  Janeiro,  I  had  the  opportunity  of  sending 
to  the  illustrious  representative  of  the  United  States,  who 
today  is  our  distinguished  guest,  a  telegraphic  greeting  on  the 
occasion  of  his  arrival  in  South  America  and  expressing 
the  desire  that  his  arrival  might  be  the  beginning  of  an  era  of 
fraternity  and  intercourse  advantageous  to  all  the  nations 
of  the  American  Continent. 

The  words  of  the  telegram,  the  significant  reply  of  the 
Secretary,  and  the  very  eloquent  words  he  delivered  before 
the  Pan  American  Congress  at  Rio  de  Janeiro,  are  not  a  mere 
act  of  international  courtesy;  they  are,  in  my  judgment, 
the  expression  of  the  popular  sentiment.  They  constitute  the 
aspiration  of  all  America.  They  express,  at  the  least,  the 
fervent  desires  of  the  Uruguayan  people  and  of  its  Govern- 
ment, who  see  in  the  visit  of  the  illustrious  Secretary  of 
State  the  foreshadowing  of  progress,  of  culture,  and  fra- 
ternity, which  will  bring  the  peoples  closer  together,  con- 
tributing to  their  prosperity  and  to  their  greatness,  through 
which  they  may  figure  with  honor  in  the  concert  of  civilized 
nations. 

These  sentiments,  as  is  well  known,  have  been  increasing 
with  the  events  that  have  made  a  vigorous  people  of  the  great 
northern  republic,  capable  of  preponderating  in  the  destinies 

u 


56       LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

of  humanity  on  account  of  the  enterprising  genius  of  all  its 
sons,  on  account  of  the  irresistible  force  of  its  energies  and  of 
its  abundant  riches;  and,  very  especially,  on  account  of  its 
redeeming  influence  of  republican  virtues,  a  characteristic 
mark  of  the  Puritan  and  the  other  elements  which  organized 
the  Federal  Government  on  the  immovable  base  of  liberty, 
justice,  and  democracy. 

The  pages  of  history  show  that  the  ideals  of  its  own  Con- 
stitution, like  every  great  and  generous  ideal,  passing  over  the 
distance  from  the  Potomac  to  the  banks  of  the  River  Plata, 
penetrated  immediately  to  the  farthest  corner  of  the  Ameri- 
can Continent.  There  soon  afterwards  arose  a  new  world  of 
free  countries  where  the  undertakings  of  Soils  or  Pizarro  and 
Cortes  will  initiate  a  civilization  destined  to  prosper  in  the 
life-giving  blast  of  liberty  and  in  the  vigorous  impulse  which 
democracy  infused  into  the  old  organizations  of  the  colonial 
regime.  The  example  of  the  United  States  and  its  moral 
assistance  animated  the  patriots. 

Put  to  the  proof  in  the  memorable  struggle  for  emanci- 
pation, its  fortitude  and  its  heroism  overturned  all  obstacles 
until  the  desired  moment  of  the  consolidation,  by  its  own 
effort,  of  the  independence  of  the  American  Continent. 
Indeed,  the  influence  of  the  United  States  in  the  diplomatic 
negotiations  which  preceded  the  recognition  of  the  new 
nationalities,  and  the  chivalrous  declaration  which  President 
Monroe  launched  upon  the  world,  contributed  efficaciously 
to  assure  the  stability  of  the  growing  republic.  Its  develop- 
ment and  its  greatness  were,  from  that  instant,  intrusted  to 
the  patriotism  of  its  sons,  to  the  fraternity  of  the  American 
peoples,  and  to  the  fruitful  labor  of  the  coming  generations. 

In  spite  of  such  social  upheavals,  which  bring  with  them 
the  ready-made  collisions  of  arms,  the  antagonism  of  inter- 
ests, and  the  struggle  of  ideas  —  inherent  factors  of  every 
movement  of  emancipation  —  the  nations  of  the  new  con- 


URUGUAY  57 

tinent  should  not,  nor  will  they,  ever  forget  that  from 
Spanish  ground  Columbus's  three-masted  vessel  —  a  Hom- 
eric expedition  —  set  forth,  founders  of  numerous  peoples 
and  flourishing  colonies,  leaving  in  our  land  mementos, 
languages,  customs,  sentiments  and  traditions,  which  the 
evolutions  of  the  human  spirit  do  not  easily  obliterate. 
From  noble  France  and  its  glorious  revulsion  against  the 
remnants  of  feudalism  arose  the  declaration  of  the  rights  of 
man  and  equitable  ideas,  which  are  faithfully  portrayed  in 
our  democratic  institutions.  Italy,  Germany,  and  Spain  send 
to  America  a  valuable  contingent  of  their  emigration.  The 
currents  of  commerce  and  progress  were  at  one  time,  and 
they  are  at  the  present  time,  largely  fomented  by  the  ship- 
ping and  the  capital  of  Great  Britain.  From  the  foreign 
oflBce  of  that  nation,  among  all  the  powers  of  old  Europe, 
came  the  first  disposition  toward  the  recognition  of  American 
independence.  All  these  circumstances  are  bonds  which  tie 
us  to  the  European  countries,  but  which  do  not  hinder,  nor 
can  they  hinder,  our  relations  with  the  great  northern 
republic,  as  with  all  those  of  Latin  origin,  always  being 
cordially  maintained,  strengthened,  and  increased  toward 
the  ends  of  highly  noble  and  patriotic  progress,  developing  a 
world  policy  of  wise  foresight,  tending  to  consolidate  the 
destinies  of  the  American  countries. 

Difficulties,  soon  to  disappear,  due  to  distance  and  lack  of 
rapid  and  direct  communications,  have  impeded  the  active 
interchange  between  the  United  States  and  this  country, 
barring  which  no  reason  exists  why  their  social  and  com- 
mercial relations  may  not  be  extended  with  reciprocal 
advantages. 

In  giving  welcome  to  Mr.  Root  on  his  arrival  in  Uruguayan 
territory,  I  consider  as  one  of  my  most  pleasing  personal 
gratifications  the  fact  of  having  initiated  the  idea  of  inviting 
our  distinguished  guest  to  visit  the  River  Plata  countries. 


58       LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

If,  as  I  do  not  doubt,  the  visit  of  the  distinguished  member 
of  the  Government  of  the  United  States  shall  make  the 
peoples  of  the  north  and  the  south  know  one  another  better; 
if  the  era  of  Pan  American  fraternity  takes  the  flight  to 
which  we  should  aspire;  if  these  demonstrations  of  courtesy 
are  to  tend,  therefore,  toward  the  progress  of  the  nations  of 
the  continent  and  the  mutual  respect  and  consideration  of 
their  respective  governments,  the  satisfaction  of  having  pro- 
moted some  of  these  benefits  and  the  honor  of  a  happy  initia- 
tive, deferentially  received  by  the  illustrious  Secretary  of 
State,  to  whom  the  oriental  people  today  offer  the  testimony 
of  their  esteem  and  sympathy,  belong,  at  least  in  part,  to  the 
Uruguayan  foreign  office. 

I  drink,  ladies  and  gentlemen,  to  Pan  American  fraternity, 
to  the  greatness  of  the  United  States  of  North  America,  to 
the  health  of  His  Excellency  President  Roosevelt,  to  the 
happiness  of  Mr.  Elihu  Root  and  of  his  distinguished  family. 

Reply  of  Mr.  Root 

I  HAVE  already  thanked  you  for  that  welcome  message 
which  greeted  my  first  advent  in  the  harbor  of  Rio  de 
Janeiro.  I  have  now  to  add  my  thanks,  both  for  the  gracious 
invitation  which  brings  me  here  and  for  the  surpassing  kind- 
ness and  hospitality  with  which  I  and  my  family  have  been 
welcomed  to  Montevideo.  It  is  most  gratifying  to  hear  from 
the  Hps  of  one  of  the  masters  of  South  American  diplomacy, 
one  who  knows  the  reality  of  international  politics,  so  just  an 
estimate  of  the  attitude  of  my  own  country  toward  her  South 
American  sisters.  The  great  declaration  of  Monroe,  made 
in  the  infancy  of  Latin  American  liberty,  was  an  assertion  to 
all  the  world  of  the  competency  of  Latin  Americans  to  govern 
themselves.  That  assertion  my  country  has  always  main- 
tained; and  my  presence  here  is,  in  part,  for  the  purpose  of 
giving  evidence  of  her  belief  that  the  truth  of  the  assertion 


URUGUAY  59 

has  been  demonstrated;  that,  in  the  progressive  develop- 
ment which  attends  the  course  of  nations,  the  peoples  of 
South  America  have  proved  that  their  national  tendencies 
and  capacities  are,  and  will  be,  on  and  ever  on  in  the  path  of 
ordered  liberty.  I  am  here  to  leam  more,  and  also  to  demon- 
strate our  belief  in  the  substantial  similarity  of  interests  and 
sjTnpathies  of  the  American  self-governing  republics. 

You  have  justly  indicated  that  there  is  nothing  in  the 
growing  friendship  between  our  countries  which  imperils  the 
interests  of  those  countries  in  the  Old  World  from  which  we 
have  drawn  oiu*  languages,  our  traditions,  and  the  bases  of 
our  customs  and  our  laws. 

I  think  it  may  be  safely  said  that  those  nations  who  planted 
their  feeble  colonies  on  these  shores,  from  which  we  have 
spread  so  widely,  have  profited  far  more  from  the  independ- 
ence of  the  American  repubhcs  than  they  would  have 
profited  if  their  unwise  system  of  colonial  government  had 
been  continued.  In  the  establishment  of  these  free  and  inde- 
pendent nations  in  this  continent  they  have  obtained  a  profit- 
able outlet  for  their  trade,  employment  for  their  commerce, 
food  for  their  people,  and  refuge  for  their  poor  and  their 
surplus  population.  We  have  done  more  than  that.  We 
have  tried  here  their  experiments  in  government  for  them. 
The  reflex  action  of  the  American  experiments  in  govern- 
ment has  been  felt  in  every  country  in  Europe  without  excep- 
tion, and  has  been  far  more  effective  in  its  influence  than  any 
good  quality  of  the  old  colonial  system  could  have  been. 
And  now  our  prosperity  but  adds  to  their  prosperity.  Inter- 
course in  trade,  exchange  of  thought  in  learning,  in  literature, 
in  art  —  all  add  to  their  power  and  their  prosperity,  their 
intellectual  activity,  and  their  commercial  strength.  We 
still  draw  from  their  stores  of  wealth  commercially,  spiritu- 
ally, intellectually,  and  physically,  and  we  are  beginning  to 
return,  in  rich  measure,  with  interest,  what  we  have  got  from 


60       LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

them.  We  have  learned  that  national  aggrandizement  and 
national  prosperity  are  to  be  gained  rather  by  national  friend- 
ship than  by  national  violence.  The  friendship  for  your 
country  that  we  from  the  North  have  is  a  friendship  that 
imperils  no  interest  of  Europe.  It  is  a  friendship  that 
springs  from  a  desire  to  promote  the  common  welfare  of  man- 
kind by  advancing  the  rule  of  order,  of  justice,  of  humanity, 
and  of  the  Christianity  which  makes  for  the  prosperity  and 
happiness  of  all  mankind.  It  is  not  as  a  messenger  of  strife 
that  I  come  to  you;  but  I  am  here  as  the  advocate  of  univer- 
sal friendship  and  peace. 

Address  of  His  Excellency  Jose  Batlle  y  Ord65iez 

President  op  Uruguay 
At  the  Banquet  given  by  him  at  the  Government  House,  August  11, 1906 

We  celebrate  an  event  new  to  South  America  —  the  presence 
in  the  heart  of  our  republics  of  a  member  of  the  Government 
of  the  United  States  of  the  North.  That  grand  nation  has 
wished  thus  to  manifest  the  interest  her  sisters  of  the  South 
inspire  in  her  and  her  purpose  of  strongly  drawing  together 
the  links  that  bind  her  to  them. 

Born  on  the  same  continent  and  in  the  same  epoch,  ruled 
by  the  same  institutions,  animated  by  the  same  spirit  of 
liberty  and  progress,  and  destined  alike  to  cause  republican 
ideas  to  prevail  on  earth,  it  is  natural  that  the  nations  of  all 
America  should  approach  nearer  and  nearer  to  each  other, 
and  unite  more  and  more  amongst  themselves;  and  it  is 
natural,  also,  that  the  most  powerful  and  the  most  advanced 
amongst  them  should  be  the  one  to  take  the  initiative  in 
this  union. 

Your  grand  republic,  Mr.  Secretary  of  State,  is  consistent 
in  confiding  to  you  this  mission  of  fraternity  and  solidarity 
with  the  ideas  and  intentions  manifested  by  her  at  the  dawn 
of  the  liberty  of  our  continent.    The  same  sentiment  that 


URUGUAY  61 

inspired  the  Monroe  Doctrine  brings  you  to  our  shores  as  the 
herald  of  the  concord  and  community  of  America. 

We  welcome  you  most  cordially.  You  find  us  earnestly 
laboring  to  make  justice  prevail,  enamored  of  progress,  confi- 
dent in  the  future.  Far  removed  from  the  European  conti- 
nent, whence  emerges  the  wave  of  humanity  that  peoples  the 
American  territories  and  becomes  the  origin  of  nations  so 
glorious  as  yours,  the  growth  and  organization  of  the  peoples 
in  these  regions  have  been  slow;  and  public  and  social  order 
has  been  frequently  upset  in  our  distant  and  scarcely  popu- 
lated prairies.  But  in  the  midst  of  these  disturbances  that 
have  likewise  afflicted,  in  their  epochs  of  formation,  almost  all 
the  present  best  constituted  nations,  sound  tendencies  and 
true  principles  of  order  and  liberty  prevail,  nationalities  are 
constituted  in  a  definite  manner,  and  republican  institutions 
are  consecrated. 

Your  great  nation,  Mr.  Secretary  of  State,  is  not  new  to 
this  work.  She  has  had  imj)ortant  participation  it  it.  I  do 
not  refer  to  the  Monroe  Doctrine  that  made  the  elder  sister 
the  zealous  defender  of  the  younger  ones.  1  speak  of  the 
radiant  example  of  your  republican  virtue,  your  industrial 
initiative,  your  economic  development,  your  scientific 
advances,  your  ardent  and  virile  activity  that  has  reinforced 
our  faith  in  right,  in  liberty,  in  justice,  in  the  republic,  and 
has  animated  us  —  as  a  noble  and  victorious  example  does 
animate  —  in  our  dark  days  of  disturbance  and  disaster. 

Yes,  the  epoch  of  internal  convulsions  is  drawing  to  its  close 
in  this  part  of  America,  and  the  peoples,  finding  themselves 
organized  and  at  peace,  are  dedicating  themselves  to  all  those 
tasks  that  exalt  the  human  mind  and  originate,  in  modem 
times,  the  greatness  of  nations.  You  tread  upon  a  land  that 
has  recently  been  watered  abundantly  with  blood  —  upon 
one  in  which,  nevertheless,  the  love  of  liberty,  within  the 
limits  of  order,  the  love  of  well-being,  and  the  love  of  progress 


62       LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

under  legal  governments  is  intense;  upon  one  in  which  we 
live  earnestly  dedicated,  in  all  branches  of  activity,  to  the 
labor  that  dignifies  and  fortifies,  certain  that  for  us  has  com- 
menced an  honorable  era  of  internal  peace.  You  have  said 
it,  Mr.  Secretary  of  State:  Out  of  the  tumult  of  wars  strong 
and  stable  governments  have  arisen;  law  prevails  over  the 
will  of  man;  right  and  liberty  are  respected. 

But  this  progress  of  public  reason  must  be  complemented. 
It  is  not  sufficient  that  internal  peace  should  be  assured;  it 
is  necessary  to  secure  external  peace  also.  It  is  necessary 
that  the  American  nations  should  draw  near  to  each  other; 
should  know,  should  love  each  other;  it  is  requisite  to  drive 
away,  to  suppress  the  danger  of  distrust,  of  rivalry,  and  of 
international  conflicts;  that  the  same  sentiment  that  repudi- 
ated internal  struggles  should  rise  within  as  against  the 
struggles  of  people  against  people,  and  that  these  should  also 
be  considered  as  the  unfruitful  shedding  of  the  blood  of 
brethren;  that  the  calamitous  armed  peace  may  never  appear 
in  our  land,  and  that  the  enormous  sums  used  to  sustain  it  on 
the  European  and  Asiatic  continents  shall  be  employed 
amongst  us  in  the  development  of  industries,  commerce,  arts, 
and  sciences. 

The  work  may  be  realized  by  determination  and  constancy. 
The  republican  institutions  that  everywhere  prevail  on  our 
continent  are  not  propitious  to  the  Caesars  who  make  their 
glory  consist  in  the  sinister  brilliancy  of  battles  and  in  the 
increase  of  their  territorial  domains.  These  same  institutions 
give  voice  and  vote  in  the  direction  of  public  affairs  to  the 
multitudes,  whose  primordial  interest  is  ever  peace,  the  spar- 
ing of  their  own  blood,  so  unfruitfuUy  shed  in  the  great 
catastrophes  of  war. 

America  will  be,  then,  the  continent  of  peace,  of  a  just 
peace,  founded  on  respect  for  the  rights  of  all  nations,  a 
respect  which  —  as  you,  Mr.  Secretary  of  State,  have  said  in 


URUGUAY  63 

tones  that  have  resounded  all  over  the  surface  of  the  earth, 
deeply  moving  all  true  hearts  —  must  be  as  great  for  the 
weakest  nations  as  for  the  most  powerful  empires.  This  Pan 
American  public  opinion  will  be  created  and  will  be  made 
effective,  a  public  opinion  charged  to  systematize  the 
international  conduct  of  the  nations,  to  suppress  injustice, 
and  to  establish  among  them  relations  ever  more  and  more 
profoundly  cordial. 

Your  country  and  your  Government  fulfill  the  part,  not  of 
the  false  friend  that  incites  to  anarchy  and  weakens  her 
friends  that  she  may  prevail  over  them  and  dominate  them, 
but  that  of  the  faithful  and  true  friend  who  exerts  herself  to 
unite  them;  and,  that  they  may  become  good  and  strong, 
concurs  with  all  her  moral  power  in  the  realization  of  this 
work  of  the  Pan  American  Congresses,  destined  to  become  a 
modem  amphictyon  to  whose  decisions  all  the  great  American 
questions  will  be  submitted,  already  giving  prestige  thereto 
by  such  words  as  you  have  spoken  to  the  Congress  of  Rio  de 
Janeiro,  which  present  to  the  American  world  new  and  grand 
perspectives  of  peace  and  progress. 

Mr.  Secretary  of  State,  ladies  and  gentlemen,  in  the  pres- 
ence of  deeds  of  this  magnitude,  inspired  and  filled  with 
enthusiasm  by  them,  let  us  pour  out  a  libation  to  the  United 
States  of  the  North,  to  its  vigorous  President,  to  you  and  to 
your  distinguished  family,  the  herald  of  continental  friend- 
ship, and  to  the  American  fatherland,  from  the  Bering  Straits 

to  Cape  Horn. 

Reply  of  Mb.  Root 

I  THANK  you  for  the  kind  reference  to  myself,  and  I  thank 
you  for  the  high  terms  in  which  you  have  spoken  of  my  coun- 
try, from  which  I  am  so  far  away.  Do  not  think,  I  beg  you, 
sir,  if  I  accept  what  you  have  said  regarding  the  country  I 
love,  that  we,  in  the  north,  consider  omrselves  so  perfect  as 
your  description  of  us.   We  have  virtues,  we  have  good  quali- 


64       LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

ties,  and  we  are  proud  of  them;  but  we  ourselves  know  in  our 
own  hearts  how  many  faults  we  have.  We  know  the  mis- 
takes we  have  made,  the  failures  we  have  made,  the  tasks 
that  are  still  before  us  to  perform.  Yet  from  the  experiences 
of  our  efforts  and  our  successes,  and  from  the  experiences  of 
our  faults  and  our  failures,  we,  the  oldest  of  the  organized 
repubhcs  of  America,  say  to  you  of  Uruguay,  and  to  all  our 
sisters,  "  Be  of  good  cheer  and  confident  hope." 

You  have  said,  Mr.  President,  in  your  eloquent  remarks 
this  evening,  that  the  progress  of  Uruguay  has  been  slow. 
Slow  as  measured  by  our  lives,  perhaps,  but  not  slow  as  meas- 
ured by  the  lives  of  nations.  The  march  of  civilization  is  slow; 
it  moves  little  during  single  human  lives.  Through  the  cen- 
turies and  the  ages  it  proceeds  with  deliberate  and  certain 
step.  Look  to  England,  whence  came  the  principles  embodied 
in  your  constitution,  and  ours,  where  first  were  developed  the 
principles  of  free  representative  government.  Remember 
through  how  many  generations  England  fought  and  bled  in 
her  wars  of  the  White  and  the  Red  —  her  blancos  and  colo- 
rados — the  white  rose  of  York  and  the  red  rose  of  Lancaster, 
before  she  could  win  her  way  to  the  security  of  English  law. 

Look  to  France,  whence  came  the  great  declarations  of  the 
rights  of  man  and  remember  —  I  in  my  own  time  can  remem- 
ber —  the  Tuileries  standing  in  bright  and  peaceful  beauty, 
and  then  in  a  pile  of  blackened  ruins  bearing  the  inscription, 
"Liberty,  equality,  and  fraternity,"  doing  injustice  to  liberty, 
to  equality,  and  to  fraternity.  These  nations  have  passed 
through  their  furnaces.  Every  nation  has  had  its  own  hard 
experience  in  its  progressive  development,  but  a  nation  is  cer- 
tain to  progress  if  its  tendency  is  right.  It  is  so  with  Uruguay. 
You  are  passing  through  the  phases  of  steady  development. 
The  restless  and  untiring  soul  of  Jose  Artigas,  who  made  the 
independence  of  Uruguay  possible,  did  its  work  in  its  time, 
but  its  time  is  past;   it  is  not  the  day  of  Artigas  now. 


URUGUAY  65 

The  genius  of  the  two  great  men,  for  the  love  of  whom  your 
political  parties  crystallized  upon  one  side  and  upon  the 
other,  had  its  day,  but  that  day  has  passed  away.  Step  by 
step  Uruguay  is  taking  its  course,  as  the  elder  nations  of  the 
earth  have  been  taking  theirs,  steadily  onward  and  upward, 
seeking  more  perfect  justice  and  ordered  liberty. 

One  of  the  most  deeply  seated  feelings  in  the  human  heart  is 
love  of  approbation.  May  we  not  have  such  relations  to  each 
other  that  the  desire  for  each  other's  approbation  shall  sustain 
us  in  the  right  course  and  warn  us  away  from  the  wrong,  and 
help  us  in  our  development  to  preserve  high  ideals,  the  ideals 
of  justice  and  humanity  necessary  to  free  self-government  ?  It 
is  with  that  hope  that  I  am  here,  your  guest.  It  is  with  that 
desire  that  my  people  send  the  message  of  friendship  to  yours. 

In  the  name  of  my  President,  Theodore  Roosevelt,  I 
offer  you,  Mr.  President,  the  most  sincere  assurance  of 
friendship  and  confidence. 

Speech  of  Doctor  Zorrilla  de  San  Martin 

At  a  Breakfast  by  the  Reception  Committee,  in  the  Atheneum  at  Montevideo 
August  12.  1906 

Before  we  rise  from  the  table  I  have  the  pleasant  task  of 
sajTng  to  you  a  few  words  to  reflect  and  perpetuate  the  senti- 
ment which  has  caused  us  to  desire  to  share  with  you  the 
bread  of  Uruguay  and  to  drink  in  your  company  the  wine 
which  gladdens  the  heart  of  man,  according  to  the  expression 
of  the  Holy  Book. 

Yes,  Mr.  Secretary,  we  are  glad  and  happy  to  have  you 
among  us,  and  we  wish  that  this  repast,  at  which,  as  you  see, 
a  representative  group  of  the  ladies  of  Montevidean  society 
surrounds  and  bestows  graceful  attention  upon  your  most 
worthy  spouse  and  your  daughter,  may  be  a  symbol  of  the 
intense  affection  which  can  be  shown  to  a  welcome  guest, 
that  of  opening  to  you  the  door  of  our  home,  that  of  intro- 
ducing you  into  the  affections  of  our  household. 


66       LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

Yes,  we  are  glad,  sir,  not  only  because  we  have  the  honor  of 
knowing  you  to  be  a  gentleman  and  an  illustrious  personage 
who  is  a  glory  among  the  glories  of  our  America,  but  because 
—  I  must  be  very  frank  with  you  now,  —  because  we  are 
convinced  that  this  visit  of  yours  will  redound  to  the  honor 
as  well  as  the  benefit  of  that  which  is  dearest  to  us,  of  that 
which  we  love  above  all  else  on  earth,  our  good  mother-coun- 
try, Uruguay,  this  good  sovereign  mother  of  ours  who  is  the 
mistress  of  our  life  and  whom  we  cannot  help  believing,  under 
pain  of  ceasing  to  be  her  sons,  to  be  the  greatest,  the  most 
beautiful  and  the  most  amiable  of  mothers,  just  as  you  think 
of  yours,  sir;  just  as  you  feel  regarding  your  excellent 
American  land.  We,  sir,  being  perhaps  carried  away  by  an 
ingenuous  filial  illusion,  are  persuaded  that  to  loiow  our 
Uruguay  is  to  love  her;  and  for  this  reason  we  have  desired 
that  you  should  know  her;  for  this  reason  we  cherish  the 
hope  that,  when  you  have  returned  to  your  country  and  recall 
the  sum  of  reminiscences  of  your  memorable  voyage,  pleasant 
and  lucid  recollections  will  burst  forth  of  this  people  which 
has  been  the  first  to  shake  your  hand  upon  your  setting  foot 
on  the  soil  of  a  republic  of  sub-tropical  America,  and  which 
offers  you  its  bread  and  drinks  with  you  the  wine  of  friendship 
in  a  sincere  transport  of  enduring  sympathy. 

We  thought,  Mr.  Secretary,  that  we  saw  you  respectfully 
kiss  the  brow  of  our  mother  when,  in  a  moment  which  should 
be  considered  historical,  you  defined  at  the  Pan  American 
Congress  of  Rio  de  Janeiro  the  object  and  character  of  your 
visit  to  the  Spanish-American  republics,  to  these  favorite 
daughters  who  are  advancing  slowly  but  surely  up  the  steep 
mountain  at  whose  summit  the  ideal  of  self-government, 
freedom,  and  order,  and  the  reign  of  internal  justice  and  peace 
awaits  them;  these  are  the  foundation  and  real  guaranty  of 
the  reign  of  international  justice  and  peace,  to  which  we 
aspire. 


URUGUAY  (57 

Yes,  Mr.  Secretary,  you  spoke  the  truth  in  your  memorable 
speech  at  Rio  de  Janeiro,  and  your  words  seem  like  corner 
stones.  Sovereign  states  are  not  merely  coexisting  on  the  face 
of  the  earth,  but  are  members  of  one  great  palpitating 
organism,  collective  persons  who,  obeying  the  same  natural 
law  which  groups  together  physical  persons  into  civil  and 
political  society,  also  instinctively  group  themselves  together 
in  order  to  form  the  body,  the  life,  and  the  thought  of  the 
international  world.  Just  as  social  life,  far  from  disparaging 
the  essential  attributes  of  the  sacred  human  person,  con- 
stitutes the  ambient  medium  necessary  to  the  life,  the 
development,  and  the  attainment  of  the  inalienable  destiny 
of  man,  so  this  great  commonwealth  of  nations,  whose  per- 
manent establishment  in  America  is  the  earnest  desire  of  the 
Congress  at  Rio  de  Janeiro,  should  have  as  its  inviolable 
basis  and  essential  purpose  the  life,  the  honor,  the  prosperity, 
and  the  glory  of  the  sovereign  states  which  constitute  it. 

You  have  proclaimed  democracy,  sir,  as  the  most  powerful 
bond  which  unites  the  republics  of  America.  But  democracy 
is  nothing  else  than  the  equality  of  men  before  the  law,  and  is 
consequently  above  all  the  triumphant  vindication  of  the 
right  of  the  weak  in  their  relations  with  the  strong.  There- 
fore, sir,  in  pronouncing  this  name  of  our  common  mother, 
you  did  so  only  in  order  to  proclaim,  as  the  American  ideal  in 
the  relations  of  states,  the  same  noble  principle  which  governs 
the  relations  of  free  men,  and  which  is  the  essence  of  our 
being;  you  proclaimed,  then,  a  species  of  international  Amer- 
ican democracy  in  the  bosom  of  which  all  persons  should 
be  persons  with  full  self-consciousness,  with  an  individual 
destiny  independent  of  the  destiny  of  others,  with  the 
moral  and  material  means  to  accomplish  this  destiny,  with 
freedom,  with  dignity,  and  with  all  the  attributes  which 
characterize  and  ennoble  the  person  and  distinguish  it  from 
inferior  beings. 


68       LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

To  elevate  the  moral  level  of  this  great  international 
democracy  which  you  have  proclaimed,  and  of  which  our 
America  should  be  the  prototype,  there  is  but  one  means, 
namely,  to  elevate  the  level  of  all  and  every  one  of  the  units 
which  compose  it,  and  to  stimulate  in  all  and  every  one  of 
them  a  consciousness  of  and  pride  in  their  own  destiny,  an 
undying  love  for  the  abstract  idea  of  country,  and  a  deep 
conviction  that  in  the  sphere  of  peoples,  just  as  in  that  of  the 
orbs,  there  is  no  star,  no  matter  how  powerful,  which  can 
perturb  the  gravitation  of  the  other  stars;  for  over  the  entire 
body  of  the  worlds  stands  the  immutable  law  which  governs 
them,  and  over  this  law  is  the  sovereign  will  of  the  Supreme 
Legislator  of  orbs  and  of  souls. 

This  was  the  echo  in  my  mind,  Mr.  Secretary,  of  what  you 
said  at  Rio  de  Janeiro  and  are  confirming  among  us.  Your 
words  were  great  and  good  because  they  were  yours,  without 
any  doubt;  but  they  were  so,  above  all,  because  they  were  in 
accord  with  the  ideal  of  justice  in  pursuit  of  which  humanity 
is  slowly  marching  —  with  that  solemn  diapason  hung 
between  heaven  and  earth  which  furnishes  the  pitch  from 
time  to  time  to  men  and  peoples  and  worlds,  in  order  that 
they  may  not  depart  from  the  universal  harmony. 

Your  words  have  reverberated  like  a  friendly  voice  in  the 
depths  of  the  soul  of  this  people,  which  has  acclaimed  you 
without  reserve  because  it  has  understood  you,  sir.  And  for 
this  reason,  because  I  have  thought  that  I  interpreted  all  the 
generous  intensity  of  your  attitude  and  of  your  speeches,  I 
have  not  told  you  at  this  time,  as  would  have  appeared 
natural,  how  much  we  in  Uruguay  love  and  admire  your 
wonderful  American  country,  whose  stars  shine  perhaps 
without  precedent  in  the  sky  of  human  history,  but  rather 
how  much  we  respect  and  with  what  a  passion  we  love  our 
good  Uruguayan  mother-country,  whose  sun  is  also  a  star; 
how  glad  we  are  to  see  it  honored  by  your  visit,  and  how  we 


URUGUAY  69 

cherish  the  hope  that  you  will  bear  away  a  remembrance  of 
us  as  a  sincerely  friendly  people  —  a  people  very  conscious 
of  its  own  destinies,  of  its  rights,  and  of  its  duties;  in  a  word, 
a  people  very  much  in  accord  with  that  grand  harmony 
which  exists  among  sovereign  states  which  respect  and  love 
one  another,  and  which  you  have  proclaimed  in  the  name  of 
your  country  as  the  supreme  ideal  of  our  free  America. 

Ladies  and  gentlemen,  let  us  fill  our  glasses  with  the  most 
generous  wine,  with  the  wine  which  most  gladdens  and  cheers 
the  heart  of  man  —  with  the  wine  of  hope  —  and  let  us  drink 
to  the  health  of  our  illustrious  guest  and  messenger  who 
represents  here  the  intelHgence  and  the  thought  of  the  heart, 
and  to  the  health  of  his  wife  and  daughter,  who  are  the 
amiable  symbol  thereof;  to  the  greater  brilliancy  of  the  stars 
of  his  country,  our  glorious  friend;  to  the  realization,  on  the 
American  continent  and  throughout  the  world,  of  his  exalted 
ideas  of  peace,  fraternity,  and  justice. 

Reply  op  Mr.  Root 

I  AM  deeply  sensible  of  the  honor  you  confer  upon  me  and 
upon  my  family  by  this  bounteous,  hospitable,  and  graceful 
festival.  It  is  a  special  honor  that  the  banquet  to  which  we 
are  invited  should  be  presided  over  by  a  gentleman  who  has 
such  high  esteem  in  the  public  life  of  your  own  country;  that 
the  flattering,  the  too  flattering  words  which  have  been 
addressed  to  my  poor  self  —  words  of  just  and  kindly  esteem 
regarding  my  great  and  noble  coimtry,  should  be  spoken  by 
a  poet  who  breathes  in  his  verses  the  spirit  of  Uruguay  where- 
ever  his  own  world-known  literature  is  found. 

It  is  a  cause  of  happiness  to  receive  this  distinguished  con- 
sideration here  in  this  temple  devoted  to  science,  to  litera- 
tiu'e,  to  the  arts,  to  those  pursuits  which  dignify,  ennoble,  and 
delight  mankind,  which  give  the  charm  and  grace  to  life, 
which  make  possible  the  continuance  of  mankind  in  the  paths 


70       LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

of  civilization.  Here  in  this  Atheneum,  in  this  atmosphere 
of  scientific  and  Hterary  discussion  and  thought,  already 
exists  that  world-wide  republic  which  knows  no  divisions  of 
territorial  boundary,  of  races,  or  of  creed.  Upon  the  plat- 
form you  have  erected  here,  the  men  of  North  and  the  men  of 
South  America  can  stand  in  fraternal  embrace. 

I  have  been  preaching  for  the  past  few  weeks  in  many 
places  and  before  many  audiences  the  gospel  of  international 
fraternization.  I  know  there  are  many  incredulous;  there 
are  many  who  think  practical  considerations  alone  rule  the 
efforts  of  men  —  profit  in  trade,  the  almighty  dollar,  the 
balance  of  bookkeeping,  or  the  checks  in  the  counting  house. 
There  are  many  who  think  that  this  is  all  there  is  to  life,  and 
that  he  is  an  idle  dreamer  and  an  insincere  orator  who  talks 
of  the  constancy  of  international  friendship,  who  talks  of 
love  of  country  rising  above  the  love  of  material  things,  who 
talks  of  sentiment  as  controlling  the  affairs  of  men.  That 
may  be  true  so  far  as  their  own  short  and  narrow  lives  are 
concerned;  but  it  is  not  an  idle  dream  that  the  world  through 
the  course  of  ages  is  growing  up  from  material  to  spiritual,  to 
moral,  and  to  intellectual  life.  It  is  not  an  idle  dream  that 
moral  influences  are  gradually,  steadily  in  the  course  of  cen- 
turies taking  the  place  of  brute  force  in  the  control  of  the 
affairs  of  men.  Sentiment  rules  the  world  today  —  the  feel- 
ings of  the  great  masses  of  mankind;  the  attractions  and 
repulsions  that  move  the  millions  rule  the  world  today;  and 
as  generation  succeeds  generation  progress  is  ever  from  the 
material  to  the  moral.  We  cannot  see  it  in  a  day;  we  cannot 
see  it  in  a  single  lifetime,  as  we  cannot  see  the  movements  of 
the  tide.  We  see  the  waves,  but  the  tide  moves  on  imper- 
ceptibly. The  progress,  the  steady  and  irresistible  progress 
of  civilization  is  ever  onwards. 

Mr.  Chairman,  and  you,  Seiior  ZoriUa  de  San  Martin,  in 
your  eloquent,  your  more  than  eloquent,  your  poetic  words, 


URUGUAY  71 

do  honor  to  the  idea  of  peace  and  justice  and  friendship  and 
the  rule  of  moral  qualities  in  the  relations  of  nations.  When 
you  do  honor  to  the  representative  of  that  idea  you  are  doing 
your  work  in  your  day  and  generation  to  advance  the  great 
cause  that  proceeds  through  the  ages  to  the  better  and  higher 
life  of  mankind.  We  are  nothing;  our  lives  are  but  as 
moments;  our  personal  work  is  inappreciable  in  this  world; 
but  slowly,  imperceptibly,  we,  each  individually,  add  a  little 
to  or  detract  a  little  from  human  rights,  human  liberty, 
human  justice. 

I  do  not  know  how  sufficiently  to  thank  you,  to  thank  the 
people  of  Montevideo,  for  all  that  you  and  they  have  done  for 
me  and  my  family  during  our  brief  —  our  all  too  brief  — 
visit  here.  I  believe  that  your  kindness,  your  generous  hos- 
pitality, will  find  response  in  the  breasts  of  my  countrymen; 
I  believe  that  it  will  be  an  example  to  the  people  of  South 
America  and  of  North  America;  I  believe  that  it  will  be 
evidence  to  the  whole  world  that  the  ideas  of  friendship  —  of 
international  friendship  and  courtesy — rule  here  in  Uruguay; 
that  Uruguay  is  a  part  of  the  great  brotherhood  of  man,  not 
selfish,  but  heart  open  to  the  best  and  brightest  influences  of 
humanity,  doing  her  part  in  her  time  to  advance  the  cause 
of  civilization.  I  know  that  when  tomorrow  morning  we  sail 
away  from  Montevideo  we  shall  all  carry  with  us  the  most 
delightful  visions  of  a  fair  and  bright  land,  of  a  white  city  and 
a  beautiful  bay;  memories  of  hospitality  and  friendship, 
and  memories  of  the  most  beautiful  women.  We  can  never 
repay  you,  for  your  hospitality  has  been  of  the  kind  that  asks 
for  no  payment;  it  has  been  true  hospitality.  We  can  only 
thank  you,  and  thank  you  we  do  now  and  thank  you  we  shall 
continue  to  do  as  long  as  we  live. 


ARGENTINA 


BUENOS  AYRES 


Address  of  Honorable  Emilio  Mitre 

In  Reference  to  the  Visit  of  Mr.  Root,  in  the  Chamber  of  Deputies 
July  4, 1906 

This  speech,  ddivered  before  Mr.  Root  reached  Buenos  Ayres,  had  an  intimate 
relation  to  his  reception. 

WITHIN  a  few  weeks,  Mr.  President,  Buenos  Ayres  will 
receive  the  visit  of  an  eminent  personality  of  the 
United  States,  Mr.  Elihu  Root,  who  is  discharging  in  that 
country  the  duties  of  Secretary  of  State. 

The  Executive  of  the  nation,  having  official  knowledge  of 
the  visit  of  Mr.  Root,  has  already  taken  measures  to  enter- 
tain him  and  to  make  his  sojourn  in  the  Argentine  Republic 
agreeable;  but  it  has  appeared  to  me,  Mr.  President,  that  the 
Chamber  of  Deputies  should  itself  spontaneously  take  an 
initiative  in  this  manifestation,  in  view  of  the  personality  of 
the  man  and  the  country  he  represents. 

The  United  States  are  for  us,  as  is  well  known,  the  cradle 
of  our  democratic  institutions;  we  are  bound  to  them  by 
those  ties  of  friendship  and  of  interest  that  are  known  to  all 
and  which  it  would  be  superfluous  to  enumerate;  but  apart 
from  this,  there  exists  between  that  country  and  ours  historic 
bonds  that  secure  our  profound  sympathies. 

It  is  beneficial  from  time  to  time  to  ascend  the  currents  of 
history  in  order  to  gather  the  lessons  of  the  past  which  may 
serve  us  as  a  guide  in  our  constant  march  into  the  future. 
When  we  study  in  its  annals  the  action  of  the  Government 
of  the  United  States  in  the  epoch  of  Argentine  independence, 
we  encounter  demonstrations  of  a  solicitude,  of  an  affection, 

7S 


74       LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

of  a  solidarity,  of  a  participation  in  the  struggles  of  those 
heroic  times,  so  marked  that  the  Argentine  spirit  neces- 
sarily feels  itself  impressed  with  the  sentiment  of  intense 
gratitude  and  the  necessity  of  repaying  in  some  way  those 
manifestations  now  somewhat  forgotten. 

It  is  of  importance,  Mr.  President,  that  our  people  should 
know  well  the  other  peoples  with  whom  they  exchange  prod- 
ucts, manufactures,  and  ideas,  especially  when,  in  respect 
to  the  latter,  those  that  they  receive  surpass  in  quantity  those 
they  give.  And  if  there  is  any  country  that  the  Argentine 
people  need  to  know  well,  any  people,  in  its  history,  in  its 
methods,  in  its  sentiments,  and  in  its  intentions,  it  is  the 
United  States  of  America,  the  elder  sister,  the  forerunner, 
and  the  model. 

In  the  epoch  of  our  independence,  Mr.  President,  the 
pubhc  life  of  the  United  States  was  constantly  interested  in 
the  vicissitudes  of  the  struggle  that  these  peoples  waged  for 
their  independence  on  both  slopes  of  the  Andes  and  in  the 
regions  of  Venezuela.  If  you  read  the  messages  of  the  Presi- 
dents of  the  United  States  you  find  in  them,  year  after  year, 
words  that  prove  the  interest  of  that  country  in  the  destiny 
of  these  countries.  At  a  date  as  early  as  1811,  a  message  of 
President  Madison  contained  phrases  full  of  sympathy  for  the 
great  communities  which  were  struggling  for  their  liberty  in 
this  part  of  the  world;  and  the  attention  of  Congress  was 
called  to  the  necessity  of  being  prepared  to  enter  into  relations 
of  government  to  government  with  them,  as  soon  as  their 
independence  should  be  sanctioned. 

From  the  time  in  which  Monroe,  the  author  of  the  famous 
doctrine,  assumed  the  presidency  of  the  republic,  in  all  the 
messages  at  the  opening  of  Congress,  there  is  a  distinct 
reference  to  the  struggle  of  these  nations  for  their  indepen- 
dence, and  in  particular  to  the  conflict  that  developed  in  the 
Rio  de  la  Plata  and  the  victorious  progress  of  the  arms  of 


ARGENTINA  75 

Buenos  Ayres  on  this  and  on  the  other  side  of  the  mountains 
and  on  the  plateau  of  Bolivia. 

In  all  these  documents  reference  is  made  to  independence 
as  a  probable  fact,  which  must  necessarily  at  that  time  have 
exerted  an  influence  in  favor  of  the  cause  of  the  patriots ;  and 
often  the  declaration  was  repeated  that,  the  colonies  being 
emancipated,  the  United  States  did  not  seek  and  would  not 
accept  from  them  any  commercial  advantage  that  was  not 
also  offered  to  all  other  nations. 

These  manifestations  which  emanated  from  the  Govern- 
ment and  reflected  the  movement  of  public  opinion,  found 
eloquent  exponents  in  Congress  also. 

In  the  records  of  the  American  Congress  of  1817,  one  year 
after  the  declaration  of  independence  by  the  Congress  of 
Tucuman,  a  famous  debate  is  recorded,  begun  by  Henry 
Clay,  the  celebrated  orator,  who  pleaded  the  cause  of  Argen- 
tine independence  in  the  most  enthusiastic  terms.  In  this 
debate  a  Representative  from  New  York  also  took  a  promi- 
nent part;  this  Representative  bore  the  same  name  as  the 
envoy  whom  we  are  to  receive  from  the  United  States  of 
America,  Mr.  Root. 

Spain  had  complained  of  the  expeditions  that  were  fitted 
out  in  ports  of  the  United  States  to  foment  American  revolu- 
tion. The  Government  was  tolerant  with  these  infractions 
of  neutrahty;  popular  sympathy  made  the  condemnation  of 
such  conspirators  impossible.  Spain,  with  whom  the  United 
States  had  relations  of  great  importance,  and  with  whom 
they  were  negotiating  the  cession  of  Florida,  had  protested 
to  the  Government  against  these  expeditions  of  its  rebellious 
subjects.  The  President,  forced  to  do  so,  had  sent  to  Con- 
gress a  message  requesting  the  enactment  of  a  law  of  neu- 
trality. Clay  and  Root  opposed  it ;  and  the  latter  said  that  it 
was  worth  while  to  go  to  war  with  Spain  if  a  demonstration 
in  favor  of  the  liberty  and  independence  of  those  countries 


76       LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

could  be  made.  Later,  during  the  administration  of  John 
Quincy  Adams,  these  manifestations  of  the  American  Gov- 
ernment in  favor  of  Argentine  independence  are  met  with  on 
every  page  of  the  records  of  Congress.  In  1818,  the  first 
discussion  took  place  in  the  American  Congress  —  a  concrete 
discussion  on  the  necessity  of  recognizing  Argentine  inde- 
pendence. Henry  Clay  was,  as  always,  the  leader  of  this 
discussion,  following  up  the  movements  which,  with  extra- 
ordinary zeal,  he  had  made  at  reunions,  in  the  press,  and  in 
Congress.  He  delivered  a  speech  that  it  is  impossible  for  one 
to  read  without  feeling  his  spirit  moved  on  observing  the 
solicitude,  the  interest,  with  which  at  that  early  date  this 
apostle  of  democracy  expressed  himself  in  regard  to  the 
struggle  of  these  peoples  to  gain  their  independence. 

All,  without  exception,  pronounced  themselves  in  favor  of 
the  independence  of  these  peoples,  which  they  recognized  in 
principle.  But  a  parliamentary  question  of  privilege  was 
raised,  as  to  the  prerogative  of  the  Executive,  it  being 
alleged  that  the  initiative,  proposed  by  Clay,  of  naming  a 
minister  to  these  countries,  encroached  upon  the  functions 
of  the  Executive  when  the  latter  believed  it  wise  to  send 
simply  agents.  On  this  question  opinion  was  divided,  but 
not  a  single  vote  was  cast  that  did  not  express  the  warmest 
sympathy  with  the  cause  of  the  patriots. 

TMiile  such  was  the  attitude  of  the  American  Congress,  in 
the  press  and  in  popular  meetings  manifestations  of  adhesion 
to  the  cause  of  the  South  American  independence  appeared 
at  every  moment.  But  above  all,  the  place  where  traces  of 
this  determined  action  of  the  Government  of  the  United 
States  in  favor  of  Argentine  independence  are  to  be  found  is 
in  the  records  of  the  State  Department  at  Washington,  in 
which  reference  is  made  to  the  activity  of  its  representative 
in  London,  at  that  time  the  famous  statesman,  Richard 
Rush.    Rush  was  the  minister  of  the  United  States  in  Lon- 


ARGENTINA  77 

don  from  the  end  of  1817,  when  he  left  the  post  of  Secretary 
of  State.  He  began  negotiations  immediately  with  Lord 
Castlereagh,  Prime  Minister  of  England,  to  induce  the  British 
Foreign  Office  to  enter  upon  a  policy  of  frank  adhesion  to  the 
emancipation  of  these  countries  from  the  dominion  of  Spain. 
There  we  see,  Mr.  President,  how  united  the  action  of  the 
United  States  was  in  this  movement,  inspired  by  the  most 
sincere  democratic  desires,  by  a  true  love  of  liberty. 

The  Prime  Minister  of  England  received  Mr.  Rush's  pro- 
posals coldly.  England  had  been  appealed  to  by  Spain  to 
mediate  between  her  and  the  Holy  Alliance,  in  order  to  obtain 
the  submission  of  the  rebellious  provinces;  and  England  had 
indicated  the  advisability  of  acceding  to  this  reintegration  of 
Spanish  dominion,  on  the  basis  of  the  return  of  these  coun- 
tries to  a  state  of  dependence,  with  the  condition  of  a  general 
amnesty. 

In  the  conference  between  Lord  Castlereagh  and  Minister 
Rush,  the  latter  positively  declared  that  the  United  States 
could  never  contribute  to  such  retrogression,  and  that  the 
aims  of  their  Government  favored  the  recognition  of  the 
complete  independence  of  America.    This  was  in  1818. 

It  would  occupy  much  time,  Mr.  President,  but  would  not 
be  without  interest,  to  review  in  detail  all  the  negotiations 
entered  into  by  the  North  American  representative  in 
London,  from  the  time  of  Lord  Castlereagh  to  that  of 
Canning,  who  succeeded  him. 

In  February,  1819,  Rush  notified  Castlereagh  that  the 
Washington  Government  considered  that  the  new  South 
American  states  had  established  the  position  obtained  by  the 
victory  of  their  arms,  and  that  President  Monroe  Had  given 
an  exequatur  to  a  consul  from  Buenos  Ayres,  and  was  resolved 
at  all  hazards  to  recognize  Ai^ntine  independence.  Lord 
Castlereagh  declared  himself  openly  at  variance  with  the 
views  (it  the  Government  of  the  United  States,  and  said  that 


78       LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

Great  Britain  had  done  all  that  was  possible  to  terminate  the 
strife  between  Spain  and  her  colonies,  but  always  on  the 
basis  of  the  restoration  of  the  dominion  of  the  former.  In 
1819,  then,  the  United  States  were  the  only  nation  that 
insisted  upon  asserting  the  independence  of  our  country. 

Thanks  to  their  attitude,  all  the  attempts  begun  by  the  Holy 
Alliance  to  suppress  the  movement  for  emancipation  failed. 
*  The  death  of  Lord  Castlereagh  did  not  change  the  situa- 
tion. Even  the  acts  of  Canning,  if  examined,  and  if  the 
negotiations  of  the  then  American  minister  are  analyzed, 
leave  an  impression  of  opposition,  because  that  great  British 
Minister,  who,  according  to  history,  clinched  as  it  were  the 
independence  of  this  country  with  his  celebrated  declaration, 
was  not  always  of  the  same  way  of  thinking;  and  it  was 
necessary  for  the  minister  of  the  United  States  to  inculcate 
in  him  the  poHcy  of  his  country  in  order  that  he  should  decide 
to  adopt  a  policy  openly  favorable  to  South  American 
independence.  Such  is  the  finding  of  the  most  accurate  of 
Argentine  historians^ 

On  March  8,  IS^JfTPresident  Monroe  sent  to  the  Congress 
of  the  United  States  his  celebrated  message  proposing  the 
recognition  of  the  Argentine  independence.  In  that  message 
the  President  renewed  his  assurances  of  sympathy  for  the 
cause  of  Buenos  Ayres,  and  confirmed  the  entire  disin- 
terestedness with  which  his  Government  espoused  the  cause 
of  the  political  integrity  of  the  youthful  nation.  The  House 
of  Representatives  voted  the  recognition  of  Argentine  inde- 
pendence unanimously,  except  for  one  vote  —  that  of  Repre- 
sentative Garnett,  who  declared  that  he  did  not  object  to  the 
recognition,  but  that  he  considered  it  unnecessary,  and  he 
cited  in  support  of  his  view  an  opinion  of  Rivadavia.  The 
United  States  was,  then,  the  first  country  after  Portugal 
(which  through  motives  of  special  interest  had  recognized 
our  independence),  to  make  a  similar  recognition;    and 


ARGENTINA  79 

England,  which  followed  the  United  States,  did  not  do  so 
until  three  years  later,  January  1,  1825. 

Even  after  the  recognition  of  Argentine  independence  by 
the  United  States,  conferences  continued  to  be  held  in 
Europe  to  establish  the  regime  of  the  dominion  of  the  mother 
country  over  the  already  independent  colonies.  Then  new 
conferences  took  place  with  Canning,  in  which  the  minister 
of  the  United  States  confirmed  anew  the  policy  of  his  country 
in  the  matter  of  the  final  recognition  of  the  independence  of 
this  republic.  During  that  period,  a  document  appeared  that 
emanated  from  John  Quincy  Adams,  addressed  to  Rush,  in 
which  he  declined  to  enter  into  the  plan  for  convoking  a  con- 
gress intended  to  treat  of  the  questions  of  South  America, 
and  stated  that  the  United  States  would  never  attend  such  a 
congress  unless  the  South  American  republics  were  first 
invited. 

To  accentuate  the  attitude  of  his  Government,  Mr.  Adams 
adds  that  if  the  congress  were  to  take  place,  with  intent 
hostile  to  the  new  republics,  the  United  States  would 
solenmly  protest  against  it  and  its  calamitous  consequences. 

The  systematic  and  persistent  action  of  the  United  States 
ended  by  determining  in  Canning  a  policy  favorable  to  South 
American  independence,  and  opposed  to  the  intervention  of 
any  foreign  power  in  the  destinies  of  the  new  republics. 

Great  Britain  and  the  United  States  once  in  accord,  after 
negotiations  in  which  Jefferson  and  Madison  united  their 
coimsel  to  that  of  President  Monroe,  these  two  patriots 
expressing  themselves  in  terms  of  moving  eloquence  in  favor 
of  the  cause  of  emancipation,  the  question  was  settled  forever. 

Some  months  afterward,  December  2,  1823,  President 
Monroe  consummated  his  action  by  sending  to  Congress  the 
message  that  contains  the  enunciation  of  his  famous  doctrine. 
"America  for  the  Americans",  Mr.  President,  was  a  formula 
that,  as  I  understand  it,  meant  the  final  consecration  of  the 


80       LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

independence  of  the  American  nations;  it  was  the  voice  of 
the  most  powerful  of  them  all,  proclaiming  to  the  world  that 
conquest  in  the  domain  of  this  America  was  at  an  end;  it  was 
notification  to  the  conquering  powers  of  Europe  that  they 
should  not  extend  themselves  to  these  continents  because  this 
extensive  territory  was  all  occupied  by  free  nations,  outside 
of  whose  sovereignty  not  an  inch  was  vacant. 

The  independence  of  these  republics  having  been  settled 
on  the  field  of  battle  by  the  sole  force  of  the  republics,  the 
declaration  of  the  American  President  was  the  culminating 
act  of  that  grand  epic.  For  the  United  States  it  is  a  record 
of  honor;  for  Europe  it  is  an  ultimatum. 

The  Monroe  Doctrine  exists  today  with  all  the  force  of  a  law 
of  nations,  and  no  country  of  Europe  has  dared  to  dispute  it. 

It  is  fitting,  Mr.  President,  to  appreciate  exactly  the  mean- 
ing of  this  great  act,  of  the  splendid  attitude,  more  fertile  for 
the  peace  of  the  earth  and  for  its  progress  than  all  the  con- 
ventions that  European  nations  have  arranged  from  time  to 
time  in  order  to  determine  their  quarrels.  The  American 
President,  in  formulating  this  doctrine,  decreed  peace  be- 
tween Europe  and  America,  which  seemed  destined,  the 
former  to  assault  always  for  conquest,  the  latter  to  fight 
always  to  defend  its  frontiers .  In  short,  the  Monroe  Doctrine 
has  been  the  veto  on  war  between  Europe  and  Ametica;  in 
its  shadow  these  youthful  nations  have  grown  until  today 
they  are  sufficiently  strong  to  proclaim  the  same  doctrine  as 
the  emblem  oh  their  shield.  And  the  most  glorious  char- 
acteristic of  this  doctrine  is  that  it  is  a  dictate  of  civilization, 
in  the  nature  of  a  magnificent  hymn  of  peace,  which  can  be 
chanted  at  the  same  time  by  the  Europ*ean  and  the  Ameri- 
can nations,  because  it  avoided  that  permanent  contention 
which  would  have  subvened  if  the  system  of  conquest  that 
Europe  has  developed  in  regard  to  certain  nations  had  been 
implanted  here  in  the  territory  of  South  America. 


ARGENTINA  81 

Well,  IVir.  President,  he  who  is  coming  to  visit  us  is  a"  con- 
spicuous citizen  of  that  nation,  and  brings,  as  it  is  said  — 
and  I  believe  the  Foreign  Office  already  is  informed  in  regard 
thereto  —  a  message  of  peace  and  fraternity  of  utmost 
interest  to  our  progress.  We  ought  to  take  advantage  of  this 
opportunity  to  give  this  envoy  a  reception  worthy  of  his 
people  and  worthy  of  himself. 

I  have  privately  communicated  to  the  Minister  for  Foreign 
Affairs  the  idea  of  this  project,  and  I  have  had  the  pleasure 
to  hear  from  his  lips  the  most  complete  adherence  to  my 
declaration  that  in  addition  to  a  bill  authorizing  the  expenses, 
there  was  the  intention  of  preparing  for  Mr.  Root  a  mani- 
festation emanating  spontaneously  from  the  Argentine  Con- 
gress. The  Minister  believes  this  demonstration  to  be  the 
necessary  complement  of  the  demonstration  the  national 
government  is  preparing  for  this  envoy  from  the  great 
republic. 

The  historic  facts  I  have  recalled  are  a  brief  synthesis  of  an 
epoch  sufficient  to  warrant  the  Argentine  people  in  associat- 
ing themselves  with  the  Government  and  lending  to  the  event 
their  warm  interest.  I  am  doubly  pleased  to  have  recalled 
this  noble  history  on  the  Fourth  of  July,  the  anniversary  of 
the  independence  of  the  great  republic  of  the  North. 

I  believe  that  for  these  reasons,  gentlemen,  you  will  lend 
your  support  to  this  idea  and  fulfill  the  purpose  for  which  it 
is  presented. 

BANQUET  AT  THE  GOVERNMENT  HOUSE 

Speech  of  His  Excellency  Dr.  J.  Figueroa  Alcorta 

President  of  Argentina 

At  a  Banquet  given  by  him,  August  14, 1006 

The  American  republics  are  at  this  moment  tightening  their 
traditional  bonds  at  a  congress  of  fraternity  whose  impor- 
tance has  been  indicated  by  the  presence  of  our  illustrious 


82       LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

guest,  who  passes  across  the  continent  as  the  herald  of  the 
civilization  of  a  great  people. 

The  world's  conscience  being  awakened  by  the  progress  of 
public  thought,  the  members  of  the  family  of  nations  are 
trying  to  draw  closer  together  for  the  development  of  their 
activities,  without  fetters  or  obstacles,  under  the  olive  branch 
of  peace  and  the  guaranty  of  reciprocal  respect  for  their 
rights. 

International  conferences  are  a  happy  manifestation  of 
that  tendency,  because,  in  the  contact  of  representatives  of 
the  various  states,  hindrances  and  prejudices  are  dissipated, 
and  there  is  shown  to  exist  in  the  collective  mind  a  common 
aspiration  for  the  teachings  of  liberty  and  justice. 

America  gives  a  recurring  example  of  such  congresses  of 
peace  and  law.  As  each  one  takes  place  it  is  evident  that  the 
attributes  of  sovereignty  of  the  nations  which  constitute  it 
are  displayed  more  clearly;  that  free  government  is  taking 
deeper  root,  that  democratic  solidarity  is  more  apparent, 
and  that  force  is  giving  way  more  freely  to  reason  as  the 
fundamental  principle  of  society. 

The  congress  of  Rio  de  Janeiro  has  that  lofty  significance. 
Its  material,  immediate  consequences  will  be  more  or  less 
important,  but  its  moral  result  will  be  forever  of  transcendent 
benefit  —  a  new  departure  and  a  step  in  advance  in  the 
development  of  Hberal  ideas  in  this  part  of  the  American 
Continent. 

Mr.  Secretary  of  State,  your  country  has  taken  gigantic 
strides  in  the  march  of  progress  until  it  occupies  a  position  in 
the  vanguard.  It  has  set  a  proud  and  shining  example  to  its 
sister  nations. 

As  in  the  dawn  of  their  emancipation  it  recognized  in  them 
the  conqueror's  right  to  stand  among  the  independent  states 
of  the  earth,  so  likewise  it  later  stimulated  the  high  aspira- 
tion to  establish  a  political  system  representing  the  popular 


ARGENTINA  83 

will,  now  inscribed  in  indelible  characters  in  the  preambles 
of  American  legislation. 

The  Argentine  Republic,  after  rude  trials,  has  completed 
its  constitutional  regime,  gathering  experience  and  learning 
from  the  great  republic  of  the  North. 

The  general  lines  of  our  organization  followed  those  of  the 
Philadelphia  convention,  with  the  modifications  imposed  by 
circumstances,  by  the  irresistible  force  of  tradition,  and  by 
the  idiosyncrasies  peculiar  to  our  race.  The  forefathers  who 
drafted  the  Airgentine  constitution  were  inspired  in  their 
work  by  those  who,  to  the  admiration  of  the  world,  created 
the  Constitution  of  the  United  States. 

Many  of  our  political  doctrines  are  derived  from  the  writ- 
ings of  Hamilton,  Madison,  and  Jay;  the  spirit  of  Marshall 
and  Taney  are  seen  in  the  hearings  of  our  tribunals;  and 
even  the  children  in  our  schools,  where  they  learn  to  personify 
the  republican  virtues,  the  love  and  sacrifice  for  country, 
respect  for  the  rights  of  man,  and  the  prerogatives  of  the 
citizen,  speak  the  name  of  George  Washington  with  that  of 
the  foremost  Argentines. 

Our  home  institutions  being  closely  united  and  the  shad- 
ows on  the  international  horizon  having  disappeared,  the 
Argentine  Republic  can  occupy  itself  in  fraternizing  with 
other  nations;  and,  like  the  United  States,  she  aspires  to 
strengthen  the  ties  of  friendship  sanctioned  by  history  and 
by  the  ideal  philanthropy  common  to  free  institutions. 

Your  visit  will  have,  in  this  aspect,  great  results.  We  have 
invited  you  to  visit  our  territory  in  order  to  link  the  two 
countries  more  intimately;  and  your  presence  here  indicates 
that  this  noble  object  will  be  realized,  inspired  as  it  is  by  the 
convenience  of  mutual  interests  and  the  sharing  of  noble 
aims. 

You  are  a  messenger  of  the  ideals  of  brotherhood,  and  as 
such  you  are  welcome  to  the  Argentine  Republic. 


84       LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

I  salute  you,  in  the  name  of  the  Government  and  the 
people  who  have  received  you,  as  the  genuine  representative 
of  your  country,  with  that  sincere  desire  for  friendship  which 
is  loyally  rooted  in  the  national  sentiment  of  Argentina. 

Gentlemen:  To  the  United  States  of  America;  to  its  illus- 
trious President,  Theodore  Roosevelt;  to  the  Secretary  of 
State  of  North  America,  Honorable  Elihu  Root! 

Reply  of  Mr.  Root 

I  THANK  you,  sir,  for  your  kind  welcome  and  for  your  words 
of  appreciation.  I  thank  you  for  myself;  I  thank  you  for 
that  true  and  noble  gentleman  who  holds  in  the  United 
States  of  America  the  same  exalted  office  which  you  hold  here. 
I  thank  you  in  behalf  of  the  millions  of  citizens  in  the  United 
States.  When  your  kind  and  courteous  invitation  reached 
me,  I  was  in  doubt  whether  the  long  absence  from  official 
duties  would  be  justffied;  but  I  considered  that  your  expres- 
sion of  friendship  imposed  upon  me  something  more  than  an 
opportunity  for  personal  gratification;  it  imposed  upon  me  a 
duty.  It  afforded  an  opportunity  to  say  something  to  the 
Government  and  the  people  of  Argentina  which  would  justly 
represent  the  sentiments  and  the  feelings  of  the  people  of  the 
United  States  toward  you  all.  We  do  not  know  as  much  as 
we  ought  in  the  United  States;  we  do  not  know  as  much  as  I 
would  like  to  feel  we  know;  but  we  have  a  traditional  right  to 
be  interested  in  Argentina.  I  thought  today,  when  we  were 
all  involved  in  the  common  misfortune,  at  the  time  of  my 
landing,  that,  after  all,  the  United  States  and  Argentina  were 
not  simply  fair-weather  friends.  We  inherit  the  right  to  be 
interested  in  Argentina,  and  to  be  proud  of  Argentina.  From 
the  time  when  Richard  Rush  was  fighting,  from  the  day  when 
James  Monroe  threw  down  the  gauntlet  of  a  weak  republic, 
as  we  were  then,  in  defense  of  your  independence  and  rights 
—  from  that  day  to  this  the  interests  and  the  friendship  of 


ARGENTINA  85 

the  people  of  the  United  States  for  the  Argentine  Republic 
have  never  changed.  We  rejoice  in  your  prosperity;  we  are 
proud  of  your  achievements;  we  feel  that  you  are  justifying 
our  faith  in  free  government,  and  self-government;  that  you 
are  maintaining  our  great  thesis  which  demands  the  posses- 
sion, the  enjoyment,  and  the  control  of  the  earth  by  the 
people  who  inhabit  it.  We  have  followed  the  splendid  persis- 
tency with  which  you  have  fought  against  the  obstacles  that 
stood  in  your  path,  with  the  sympathy  that  has  come  from 
similar  struggles  at  home.  Like  you,  we  have  had  to  develop 
the  resources  of  a  vast  unpeopled  land;  like  you,  we  have  had 
to  fight  for  a  foothold  against  the  savage  Indians;  like  you, 
we  have  had  conflicts  of  races  for  the  possession  of  territory; 
like  you,  we  have  had  to  suffer  war;  like  you,  we  have  con- 
quered nature;  and  like  you,  we  have  been  holding  out  our 
hands  to  the  people  of  all  the  world,  inviting  them  to  come 
and  add  to  our  development  and  share  our  riches. 

We  live  imder  the  same  constitution  in  substance;  we 
are  maintaining  and  attempting  to  perfect  ourselves  in  the 
application  of  the  same  principles  of  liberty  and  justice.  So 
how  can  the  people  of  the  United  States  help  feeling  a  friend- 
ship and  sympathy  for  the  people  of  Argentina  ?  I  deemed 
it  a  duty  to  come,  in  response  to  your  kind  invitation  to  say 
this,  to  say  that  there  is  not  a  cloud  in  the  sky  of  good  under- 
standing; there  are  no  political  questions  at  issue  between 
Argentina  and  the  United  States;  there  is  no  thought  of 
grievance  by  one  against  the  other;  there  are  no  old  grudges 
or  scores  to  settle.  We  can  rejoice  in  each  other's  prosperity; 
we  can  aid  in  each  other's  development;  we  can  be  proud 
of  each  other's  successes  without  hindrance  or  drawback. 
And  for  the  development  of  this  sentiment  in  both  countries, 
nothing  is  needed  but  more  knowledge  —  that  we  shall  know 
each  other  better;  that  not  only  the  most  educated  and 
thoughtful  readers  of  our  two  countries  shall  become  familiar 


86       LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

with  the  history  of  the  other,  but  that  the  entire  body  of  the 
people  shall  know  what  are  the  relations  and  what  are  the 
feelings  of  the  other  country.  I  should  be  glad  if  the  people 
of  Argentina  —  not  merely  you,  Mr.  President;  not  merely 
my  friend,  the  minister  of  foreign  affairs;  not  merely  the 
gentlemen  connected  with  the  Government,  but  the  people  of 
Argentina  —  might  know  that  the  people  of  the  United 
States  are  their  friends,  as  I  know  the  people  of  Argentina  are 
friends  of  the  United  States. 

I  have  come  to  South  America  with  no  more  specific  object 
than  I  have  stated.  Our  traditional  policy  in  the  United 
States  of  America  is  to  make  no  alliances.  It  was  inculcated 
by  Washington;  it  has  been  adhered  to  by  his  successors  ever 
since.  But,  Mr.  President,  the  alliance  that  comes  from 
unwritten,  unsealed  instruments,  as  that  from  the  conven- 
tion, signed  and  ratified  with  all  formalities,  is  of  vital  con- 
sequence. We  make  no  political  alliances,  but  we  make  an 
alliance  with  all  our  sisters  in  sentiment  and  feeling,  in  the 
pursuit  of  liberty  and  justice,  in  mutual  helpfulness;  and  in 
that  spirit  1  beg  to  return  to  you  and  to  your  Government  and 
the  people  of  this  splendid  and  wonderful  country  my  sincere 
thanks  for  the  welcome  you  have  given  me  and  my  country 
in  my  person. 

RECEPTION  BY  AMERICAN  AND  ENGLISH  RESIDENTS 

Speech  of  Mr.  Francis  B.  Purdie 
At  St.  George's  HaU,  August  16, 1906 

Americans  resident  in  Buenos  Ayres  and  in  the  Argentine 
Republic  are  sensible  of  the  honor  you  have  done  them  by 
accepting  their  invitation  for  this  evening,  and  they  appre- 
ciate most  highly  the  courtesy  of  the  Argentine  Government, 
whose  distinguished  guest  you  are,  in  allowing  them  this 
coveted  privilege.  As  Americans  we  welcome  you  to  Buenos 
Ayres,  and  it  is  our  earnest  hope  that  your  visit  here  will 


ARGENTINA  87 

bind  more  closely  the  ties  of  friendship  which  unite  the  great 
republics  of  the  North  and  of  the  South,  and  that  the  knowl- 
edge you  will  gain  of  this  great  country  and  of  its  magnificent 
resources  will  lead  to  more  familiar  intercourse  and  to  that 
good  understanding  which  should  exist  between  nations 
governed  by  like  principles,  living  under  constitutions 
framed  in  a  like  spirit,  and  having  similar  national  aims. 

This  gathering  is  the  result  of  a  public  meeting  called 
immediately  after  it  was  learned  that  you  had  accepted  the 
invitation  of  the  Argentine  Government  to  visit  this  city. 
It  was  a  meeting  typically  American,  which  had  no  dividing 
line  on  the  question  that  our  Secretary  of  State  was  a  man 
whom  we  would  all  delight  to  honor.  The  executive  com- 
mittee of  the  North  American  Society  of  the  River  Plata  was 
intrusted  with  the  arrangements.  We  believe  you  should 
know  something  of  that  society.  Organized  only  last 
November,  it  embraces  in  its  membership  practically  every 
American  in  Buenos  Ayres.  For  its  age,  I  am  not  afraid  to 
say  that  it  is  the  most  flourishing  social  organization  that  has 
ever  been  established  in  this  country.  What  is  the  object  of 
the  society  ?  Not,  I  conceive,  such  as  will  arouse  antagonism 
or  jealousy  in  the  mind  of  any  man.  As  set  forth  in  the  pre- 
amble to  its  constitution,  it  is:  "  To  keep  alive  the  love  of 
country  and  foster  the  spirit  of  patriotism,  .  .  .  and  for  such 
other  purposes  as  will  advance  the  interests  of  our  country, 
encourage  and  maintain  friendly  relations  with  the  country 
of  our  residence,  and  assist  in  promoting  closer  commercial 
union  between  the  United  States  and  the  countries  of  the 
River  Plata." 

It  is  an  organization  framed  in  the  spirit  of  our  beloved 
Lincoln,  **  with  malice  toward  none.'*  The  society  has  no 
political  aim  or  purpose.  It  plots  for  nothing  but  the  well- 
being  of  all,  and  wishes  for  nothing  less  than  the  prosperity 
of  the  home  land  and  the  land  of  our  residence.    Its  members 


88       LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

are  imbued  with  that  spirit  which  is  the  characteristic  Ameri- 
can attitude  toward  all  nations  and  peoples,  the  spirit  of 
"  live  and  let  live."  Apart  from  all  that  your  visit  may  mean 
in  international  comity,  it  means  much  to  us  here;  for  you, 
Mr.  Secretary,  are  the  very  living  embodiment  of  the  spirit 
to  which  I  have  referred,  that  broad  Americanism  which 
does  not  seek  to  advantage  itself  by  intruding  on  the  rights 
of  others.  Every  speech  made  by  you  since  leaving  home  has 
been  an  inspiration  to  us,  and  has  strengthened  us  in  our 
determination  to  live  up  to  the  principles  upon  which  our 
society  is  founded. 

But  it  is  not  alone  the  Americans  in  Buenos  Ayres  who 
have  come  here  tonight  to  greet  you,  and  who  have  wished 
to  do  you  honor.  Your  kinsmen  from  across  the  sea  are  here 
in  their  hundreds,  for  when  it  became  known  that  such  a 
reception  as  this  was  contemplated,  the  requests  for  the 
privilege  of  joining  with  us  were  so  great  in  number  that  the 
sincerity  of  the  English-speaking  people  could  not  be  ques- 
tioned, and  the  American  society  welcomed  the  opportunity 
to  invite  as  its  guests  as  many  of  the  representative  British 
and  other  English-speaking  residents  of  Buenos  Ayres  as 
this  hall  can  hold;  and  there  is  represented  here  every  impor- 
tant pubhc  interest  and  private  enterprise  in  this  republic, 
and  I  have  the  honor,  in  their  name  as  well  as  in  the  name  of 
your  countrymen,  to  assure  you  that  you  are  in  the  house 
of  your  friends. 

I  have  told  you,  Mr.  Root,  what  your  countrymen  feel 
about  your  coming  here;  I  have  referred  to  the  cordial 
sympathy  shown  by  the  English-speaking  residents;  and  it  is 
with  feelings  of  genuine  pleasure  that  I  now  make  reference 
to  the  attitude  of  the  Argentine  Government  and  the  Argen- 
tine people.  This  reference  will  not  be  my  personal  view 
alone;  it  is  the  expression  of  the  feelings  of  representative 
Americans  in  this  city  which  has  been  voiced  at  every  meet- 


ARGENTINA  89 

ing  we  have  held  within  the  past  few  weeks.  The  Argentine 
people  are,  and  wish  to  remain,  the  friends  of  the  United 
States.  Our  committees  have  had  the  privilege  of  holding 
interviews  with  high  officials  of  the  government,  with 
various  committees  of  the  leading  citizens;  and  we  have 
been  convinced  of  the  genuine  nature  of  the  reception  pre- 
pared for  you.  This  is  too  proud  a  nation  to  pretend  that 
which  it  does  not  feel,  and  the  history  of  Buenos  Ayres  will 
convince  any  student  that  this  city  has  never  been  afraid  to 
speak  out,  to  applaud  or  condenm  as  its  judgment  dictated. 
The  government  officials  have  been  sincerely  cordial,  and 
they  have  not  been  content  merely  to  express  their  wish  to 
give  us  every  friendly  help;  they  have,  apart  from  their  own 
magnificent  preparations,  given  the  Americans  here  material 
assistance. 

The  world  owes  much  of  its  progress  to  opposing  views, 
and  the  healthiest  nations  have  the  strongest  political  parties 
taking  differing  views  upon  questions  of  national  policy,  and 
these  parties  reach  the  public  by  means  of  the  newspapers. 
The  Argentine  Republic  is  not  an  exception,  but  I  doubt  if 
there  has  ever  been  a  theme  upon  which  the  press  of  this 
country  has  been  so  united  as  that  honor  should  be  shown  to 
you.  I  speak  for  Americans  when  I  say  that  in  the  Argentine 
Republic  we  have  found  a  home  where  absolute  freedom  is 
ours,  —  freedom  in  every  walk  of  life;  freedom  for  con- 
science; freedom  to  live,  move,  and  have  our  being  as  God 
and  our  own  wills  may  lead  us.  There  are  Argentines  here 
tonight  who  are  not  one  whit  behind  us  in  their  enthusiasm 
for  you  and  for  all  that  you  represent,  and  there  is  a  group 
here  of  Argentines  who  have  graduated  from  American  col- 
leges, who  wish  to  say  to  you  that  next  to  their  own  country 
they  revere  the  United  States  of  America.  You  now  know, 
Mr.  Root,  what  friends  you  have  before  you,  and  we  all  bid 
you  welcome,  thrice  welcome,  to  Buenos  Ayres. 


90       LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

Reply  of  Mr.  Root 

Mr.  Chairman,  my  countrymen,  my  countrywomen,  my 
friends  from  the  land  whence  my  fathers  came,  I  need  not  say 
that  I  am  glad  to  meet  you.  No  one  far  away  from  his  own 
land  needs  to  be  told  that  the  looks,  faces,  the  sound  of 
voice,  of  one's  own  countrymen  are  a  joy  to  the  wanderer  in 
strange  lands.  Yet  I  do  not  find  this  such  a  strange  land.  I 
find  here  so  many  things  to  remind  me  of  home,  so  many 
things  that  are  like  our  own  country,  that  it  seems  a  little 
like  coming  home.  Such  is  the  similarity  in  conditions,  in 
spirit,  in  purpose;  such  is  the  impress  of  the  same  institutions 
and  the  same  principles,  that  I  cannot  feel  altogether  a 
stranger;  and  when  I  meet  you  here  at  home  almost  I  feel 
the  warmth  of  my  own  fireside. 

I  am  glad  to  meet  you  because  I  think  that  perhaps  to 
many  of  you  who  have  been  long  in  this  distant  land  I  may 
bring  pleasant  memories  of  cities  and  farms  and  homes,  left 
behind  many  a  year  ago.  But  I  hope  that  the  new  home  you 
have  found,  the  new  duties  you  have  taken  up,  have  made 
you  happy,  prosperous,  useful,  full  of  the  ambitions,  activi- 
ties, and  satisfactions  of  life.  There  have  been  great  changes 
in  the  United  States  of  America  —  of  North  America,  per- 
haps I  must  call  it,  —  since  most  of  you  left  your  old  homes. 
When  you,  Mr.  President,  left  us,  we  were  a  debtor  nation; 
we  were  borrowing  money  from  Europe  to  develop  our  own 
resources,  to  build  up  our  own  country.  Most  of  the  money 
was  coming  from  our  English  friends.  That  capital  built  up 
our  railways  to  make  possible  the  wonderful  development 
that  has  made  the  United  States  what  it  is.  We  had  no 
capital,  no  time,  no  energy,  to  devote  to  anything  but  the 
task  before  us,  to  conquer  our  West  and  to  develop  our 
empty  lands.  In  that  distant  day,  when  Henry  Clay  and 
John  Quincy  Adams  espoused  the  cause  of  the  infant  repub- 


ARGENTINA  91 

lies  of  South  America,  we  could  have  no  relations  with 
them  but  those  of  political  sympathy,  because  we  were  too 
concentrated  in  the  work  that  lay  before  us  at  home.  Twenty 
years  ago,  when  that  far-seeing  and  sanguine  statesman,  Mr. 
Blaine,  inaugurated  his  South  American  policy  and  brought 
about  the  first  American  Conference  at  Washington,  and  the 
establishment  of  the  Bureau  of  American  Republics,  we  were 
still  a  debtor  nation,  with  no  surplus  capital,  and  engrossed 
in  doing  our  work  at  home.  It  was  still  impossible  for  us 
to  have  any  relations  with  South  America,  except  those  of 
political  sympathy. 

But  since  Mr.  Blaine,  times  have  changed.  We  have  paid 
our  debts;  we  have  become  a  creditor  rather  than  a  debtor 
nation.  We  have  for  the  first  time  within  the  last  ten  years 
begun  to  accumulate  surplus  capital,  and  it  has  accumulated 
with  a  wonderful  rapidity,  —  a  surplus  capital  to  enable  us  to 
go  out  and  establish  new  relations  with  the  rest  of  the  world. 
We  now  are  beginning  to  be  in  a  position  where  we  can  take 
the  same  relations  towards  other  countries  that  England  took 
towards  us.  We  have  paid  our  debts  to  England;  the  use  of 
her  capital  in  developing  the  United  States  has  resulted  in 
great  advantage  to  both  of  us;  and  with  the  payment  of  the 
debt  there  has  been  left  a  warm  and,  I  believe,  enduring 
friendship  between  England  and  the  United  States.  I 
should  like  to  see  the  same  kind  of  friendship  between 
the  United  States  and  South  America.  I  should  like  to  see 
the  great  surplus  capital  which  we  are  accumulating  in  the 
United  States  of  North  America  turn  southwards,  to  see  it 
used  to  develop  the  vast  resources  of  this  coimtry,  with 
mutual  advantage  to  both,  so  that  when  the  time  comes  in 
the  future,  as  it  will  come,  when  the  people  of  Argentina, 
with  their  resources  developed,  with  their  population  in- 
creased, have  accumulated  all  the  capital  they  need  and  paid 
their  debts,  we  shall  have  had  our  share  both  in  their  develop- 


92       LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

ment  and  in  their  prosperity,  and  an  enduring  friendship 
may  exist  between  us. 

Now  it  has  seemed  to  me,  sir,  that  possibly  the  opportunity 
afforded  by  the  kind  and  courteous  invitation  of  the  Argen- 
tine Government  to  visit  this  country  might  enable  me  to  do 
something  to  this  end,  just  at  this  juncture  when  a  change  in 
the  attitude  of  the  United  States  toward  the  rest  of  the  world 
is  taking  place,  when  the  change  from  the  debtor  to  the  credi- 
tor nation,  is  made;  from  the  borrower  of  money  to  develop 
resources,  to  a  country  with  surplus  capital  to  send  out  to  the 
world;  —  it  seemed  to  me  possible  that  I  might  by  this  visit 
help  to  establish  the  relations  which  I  should  like  to  see  exist- 
ing. I  should  like  to  be  able  to  qualify  myself  to  say  in  the 
most  public  way  that  this  is  a  land  to  which  the  poor  of  all 
the  world,  who  have  enterprise  without  money,  can  come  and 
find  homes  and  prosperity,  so  that  by  the  thousands,  by  the 
millions,  they  may  come  from  the  Old  World  and  build  up 
Argentina  as  they  have  built  up  the  United  States.  I  feel 
able  to  say  that  this  is  a  shore  to  which  the  emigrants  from 
the  Old  World  may  come  with  a  certainty  of  finding  homes, 
occupations,  and  opportunities  for  prosperity;  that  it  is  a 
country  to  which  the  capital  of  the  United  States  may  come 
with  the  certainty  that  it  will  be  secure,  will  be  protected, 
and  will  find  profitable  employment.  I  look  forward  to  the 
time  when  the  wonderful  development  that  is  going  on  here 
now  —  not  confined  alone  to  this  country,  but  progressing 
here  with  an  amazing  rapidity,  —  will  be  as  great  a  wonder 
to  the  world  as  the  advance  which  has  taken  the  United 
States  of  North  America,  expanding  from  the  feeble  fringe  of 
colonists  along  the  Atlantic  shore  to  a  great  nation  of  eighty 
millions,  stretching  from  ocean  to  ocean.  Argentina  will 
take  some  of  our  markets  from  us,  but  what  are  they  ?  They 
will  be  markets  she  is  entitled  to;  and  with  her  prosperity, 
and  with  the  right  understanding  and  relations  between  the 


ARGENTINA  83 

two  countries,  our  commercial  relations  with  her  will  more 
than  take  the  place  of  the  markets  she  takes  away  from  us. 
We  have  nothing  to  fear  in  the  growing  prosperity  of  Argen- 
tina. We  have  no  cause  but  for  rejoicing  in  her  prosperity; 
no  cause  but  to  aid  her  in  every  way  in  our  power  in  her  on- 
ward progress;  and  that  I  believe  to  be  the  sincere  desire  of 
the  whole  of  the  people  of  the  United  States. 

Mr.  President,  a  heavy  responsibility  rests  upon  the  citizen 
of  our  country  who  hves  in  a  foreign  land.  We  can  misbehave 
at  home  and  it  makes  httle  difference;  but  every  American 
citizen  in  a  foreign  land,  every  American  citizen  in  the  Argen- 
tine RepubHc,  is  the  representative  of  his  country  there.  He 
needs  no  commission;  no  power  can  prevent  his  holding  a 
commission  to  represent  before  all  the  people  of  Argentina 
the  character  of  his  own  countrymen.  You  represent  our 
beloved  land  to  the  people  of  Argentina.  Wliat  you  are  they 
will  believe  us  to  be.  As  they  study  your  character  and  con- 
duct their  estimate  of  us  rises,  and  it  is  with  the  greatest 
pleasure  that  I  find  here  among  this  people  whom  I  respect 
so  highly,  whose  good  opinion  for  my  country  I  so  greatly 
desire,  a  body  of  Americans,  a  body  of  my  countrymen,  so 
worthy,  so  estimable,  so  high  in  reputation,  so  well  fitted  to 
maintain  the  standard  of  the  United  States  of  America,  high, 
pure,  unsullied,  worthy  of  all  honor. 

BANQUET  AT  THE  OPERA  HOUSE 

Speech  of  Dr.  Luis  M.  Drago 

President  of  the  Reception  Committeb 

August  17.  1006 

The  large  gathering  here  assembled,  representative  of  all  that 
Buenos  Ayres  has  of  the  most  notable  in  science,  letters, 
industry,  and  commerce,  has  conferred  on  me  the  signal 
honor  of  designating  me  to  offer  this  banquet  to  the  eminent 
minister  of  one  of  the  greatest  nations  of  the  earth,  a  nation 


94       LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

linked  to  us  from  the  very  beginning  by  many  and  very  real 
sentiments  of  moral  and  political  solidarity.  This  country 
has  not  forgotten  that  in  the  trying  times  of  the  colonial 
emancipation,  our  fathers  could  rely  on  the  sympathy  and 
the  warm  and  disinterested  adhesion  of  the  American  people, 
our  predecessors  and  our  guides  in  the  paths  of  liberty.  The 
thrilling  utterances  of  Henry  Clay  defending  our  cause  when 
everything  appeared  to  threaten  our  revolution,  have  never 
been  surpassed  in  their  noble  eloquence;  and  it  was  due  to 
the  generosity  and  foresight  of  their  great  statesmen  that  the 
United  States  were  the  first  to  receive  us  with  open  arms  as 
their  equals  in  the  community  of  sovereign  nations. 

The  spiritual  affinity  thus  happily  established  has  gone  on 
strengthening  itself  almost  imperceptibly  ever  since  by  the 
reproduction  of  institutions  and  legal  customs. 

Our  charter  was  inspired  by  the  American  Constitution 
and  acts  through  the  operation  of  similar  laws.  The  great 
examples  of  the  Union  are  also  our  examples;  and  being 
sincere  lovers  of  liberty  we  rejoice  in  the  triumphs  (which  in 
a  certain  sense  we  consider  our  own)  of  the  greatest  of 
democratic  nations. 

George  Washington  is,  for  us,  one  of  the  great  figures  of 
history,  the  tutelar  personality,  the  supreme  model,  a  proto- 
type of  abnegation,  honor,  and  wisdom;  and  there  is  an 
important  region  in  the  province  of  Buenos  Ayres  bearing 
the  name  of  Lincoln,  as  a  homage  to  the  austere  patriotism 
of  that  statesman  and  martyr.  The  names  of  Jefferson, 
Madison,  and  Quincy  Adams  are  household  words  with  us; 
and  in  our  parliamentary  debates  and  popular  assemblies 
mention  is  frequently  made  of  the  statesmen,  the  orators, 
and  the  judges  of  the  great  sister  republic. 

There  thus  exist,  honorable  sir,  a  long-established  friend- 
ship, an  intercommunion  of  thought  and  purpose  which  draw 
peoples  together  more  closely,  intimately,  and  indissolubly 


ARGENTINA  95 

than  can  be  accomplished  by  the  formulae  —  often  barren  — 
of  the  foreign  offices. 

And  the  moment  is  certainly  propitious  for  drawing  closer 
the  bonds  of  international  amity  which  your  excellency's 
visit  puts  in  rehef,  and  which  have  found  such  eloquent 
expression  in  the  Pan  American  Congress  of  Rio  de  Janeiro. 
Enlightened  patriotism  has  understood  at  last  that  on  this 
continent,  with  its  immense  riches  and  vast  unexplored 
regions,  power  and  wealth  are  not  to  be  looked  for  in  conquest 
and  displacements,  but  in  collaboration  and  solidarity,  which 
will  people  the  wilderness  and  give  the  soil  to  the  plow.  It 
has  understood,  moreover,  that  America,  by  reason  of  the 
nationahties  of  which  it  is  composed,  of  the  nature  of  the  rep- 
resentative institutions  which  they  have  adopted,  by  the  very 
character  of  their  people,  separated  as  they  have  been  from 
the  conflicts  and  complications  of  European  governments, 
and  even  by  the  gravitation  of  peculiar  circumstances  and 
events,  has  been  constituted  a  separate  political  factor,  a 
new  and  vast  theater  for  the  development  of  the  human  race, 
which  will  serve  as  a  counterpoise  to  the  great  civilizations  of 
the  other  hemisphere,  and  so  maintain  the  equilibrium  of  the 
world. 

It  is  consequently  our  sacred  duty  to  preserve  the  integrity 
of  America,  material  and  moral,  against  the  menaces  and 
artifices,  very  real  and  effective,  that  unfortunately  surround 
it.  It  is  not  long  since  one  of  the  most  eminent  of  living 
jurisconsults  of  Great  Britain  denounced  the  possibility  of 
the  danger.  "  The  enemies  of  light  and  freedom,"  he  said, 
"  are  neither  dead  nor  sleeping;  they  are  vigilant,  active, 
militant,  and  astute."  And  it  was  in  obedience  to  that 
sentiment  of  common  defense  that  in  a  critical  moment  the 
Argentine  Republic  proclaimed  the  impropriety  of  the 
forcible  collection  of  public  debts  by  European  nations,  not 
as  an  abstract  principle  of  academic  value  or  as  a  legal  rule  of 


96       LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

universal  application  outside  of  this  continent  (which  it  is  not 
incumbent  on  us  to  maintain),  but  as  a  principle  of  American 
diplomacy  which,  whilst  being  founded  on  equity  and  justice, 
has  for  its  exclusive  object  to  spare  the  peoples  of  this  con- 
tinent the  calamities  of  conquest,  disguised  under  the  mask 
of  financial  interventions,  in  the  same  way  as  the  traditional 
policy  of  the  United  States,  without  accentuating  superiority 
or  seeking  preponderance,  condemned  the  oppression  of  the 
nations  of  this  part  of  the  world  and  the  control  of  their 
destinies  by  the  great  powers  of  Europe.  The  dreams  and 
Utopias  of  today  are  the  facts  and  commonplaces  of  tomorrow 
and  the  principle  proclaimed  must  sooner  or  later  prevail. 

The  gratitude  we  owe  to  the  nations  of  Europe  is  indeed 
very  great,  and  much  we  still  have  to  learn  from  them.  We 
are  the  admirers  of  their  secular  institutions;  more  than 
once  we  have  been  moved  by  their  great  ideals,  and  under  no 
circumstances  whatsoever  should  we  like  to  sever  or  to 
weaken  the  links  of  a  long-established  friendship.  But  we 
want,  at  the  same  time,  and  it  is  only  just  and  fair,  that  the 
genius  and  tendency  of  our  democratic  communities  be 
respected.  They  are  advancing  slowly,  it  is  true;  struggling 
at  times  and  occasionally  making  a  pause,  but  none  the 
less  strong  and  progressive  for  all  that,  and  already  showing 
the  unequivocal  signs  of  success  in  what  may  be  called  the 
most  considerable  trial  mankind  has  ever  made  of  the 
republican  system  of  government. 

In  the  meantime,  to  reach  their  ultimate  greatness  and 
have  an  influence  in  the  destinies  of  the  world,  these  nations 
only  require  to  come  together  and  have  a  better  knowledge 
of  each  other,  to  break  up  the  old  colonial  isolation,  and 
reahze  the  contraction  of  America,  as  what  is  called  the  con- 
traction of  the  world  has  always  been  effected  by  the  anni- 
hilation of  distance  through  railways,  telegraphs,  and  the 


ARGENTINA  97 

thousand  and  one  means  of  communication  and  interchange 
at  the  disposal  of  modern  civilization. 

The  increase  of  commerce  and  the  public  fortune  will  be 
brought  about  in  this  way;  but  such  results  as  concern  only 
material  prosperity  will  appear  unimportant  when  compared 
with  the  blessings  of  a  higher  order  which  are  sure  to  follow, 
when,  realizing  the  inner  meaning  of  things,  and  stimulated 
by  spiritual  communion,  these  peoples  meet  each  other  as 
rivals  only  in  the  sciences  and  arts,  in  literature  and  govern- 
ment, and  most  of  all  in  the  practice  of  virtues,  which  are  the 
best  ornament  of  the  state  and  the  foimdation  stone  of  all 
enduring  grandeur  of  the  human  race. 

Gentlemen: 

To  the  United  States,  the  noblest  and  the  greatest  of 
democratic  nations! 

To  Mr.  Roosevelt,  the  President  of  transcendental  initia- 
tive and  strenuous  life! 

To  his  illustrious  minister,  our  guest,  the  highest  and  most 

eloquent  representative  of  American  solidarity,  for  whom  1 

have  not  words  suflSciently  expressive  to  convey  all  the 

pleasure  we  feel  in  receiving  him,  and  how  we  honor  our- 

l      selves  by  having  him  in  our  midst. 

[ 

Reply  of  Mr.  Root 

I  THANK  you  for  the  kind  and  friendly  words  you  have 
uttered.  I  thank  you,  and  all  of  you  for  your  cordiality  and 
bounteous  hospitality.  As  I  am  soon  to  leave  this  city,  where 
I  and  my  family  have  been  welcomed  so  warmly  and  have 
been  made  so  happy,  let  me  take  this  opportunity  to  return 
to  you  and  to  the  Government  and  to  the  people  of  Buenos 
f  Ayres  our  most  sincere  and  heartfelt  thanks  for  all  your  kind- 
ness and  goodness  to  us.  We  do  appreciate  it  most  deeply, 
and  we  shall  never  forget  it,  shall  never  forget  you  —  your 


98       LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

friendly  faces,  your  kind  greetings,  your  beautiful  homes, 
your  noble  spirit,  and  all  that  makes  up  the  great  and  splen- 
did city  of  Buenos  Ayres. 

It  is  with  special  pleasure,  Mr.  Chairman,  that  I  have 
listened  to  that  part  of  your  speech  which  relates  to  the  polit- 
ical philosophy  of  our  times,  and  especially  to  the  political 
philosophy  most  interesting  to  America.  Upon  the  two  sub- 
jects of  special  international  interest  to  which  you  have 
alluded,  I  am  glad  to  be  able  to  declare  myself  in  hearty  and 
unreserved  sympathy  with  you.  (  The  United  States  of 
America  has  never  deemed  it  to  be  suitable  that  she  should 
use  her  army  and  navy  for  the  collection  of  ordinary  contract 
debts  of  foreign  governments  to  her  citizens.  For  more  than 
a  century  the  State  Department,  the  Department  of  Foreign 
Relations  of  the  United  States  of  America,  has  refused  to 
take  such  action,  and  that  has  become  the  settled  policy  of 
our  country.  We  deem  it  to  be  inconsistent  with  that  respect 
for  the  sovereignty  of  weaker  powers  which  is  essential  to 
their  protection  against  the  aggression  of  the  strong.  We 
deem  the  use  of  force  for  the  collection  of  ordinary  contract 
debts  to  be  an  invitation  to  abuses,  in  their  necessary  results 
far  worse,  far  more  baleful  to  humanity  than  that  the  debts 
contracted  by  any  nation  should  go  unpaid.  We  consider 
that  the  use  of  the  army  and  navy^  of  a  great  power  to  compel 
a  weaker  power  to  answer  to  a  contract  with  a  private  indi- 
vidual, is  both  an  invitation  to  speculation  upon  the  necessi- 
ties of  weak  and  struggling  countries  and  an  infringement 
upon  the  sovereignty  of  those  countries,  and  we  are  now,  as 
we  always  have  been,  opposed  to  it;  and  we  believe  that, 
perhaps  not  today  nor  tomorrow,  but  through  the  slow  and 
certain  process  of  the  future,  the  world  will  come  to  the  same 
opinion. 

It  is  with  special  gratification  that  I  have  heard  from  your 
lips  so  just  an  estimate  of  the  character  of  that  traditional 


ARGENTINA  99 

policy  of  the  United  States  which  bears  the  name  of  Presi- 
dent Monroe.  When  you  say  that  it  was  "  without  accen- 
tuating superiority  or  seeking  preponderance,"  that  Monroe's 
declaration  condemned  the  oppression  of  the  nations  of  this 
part  of  the  world  and  the  control  of  their  destinies  by  the 
great  powers  of  Europe,  you  speak  the  exact  historical  truth. 
You  do  but  simple  justice  to  the  purposes  and  the  sentiments 
of  Monroe  and  his  compatriots  and  to  the  country  of  Monroe 
at  every  hour  from  that  time  to  this. 

/  I  congratulate  you  upon  the  wonderful  opportunity  that 
lies  before  you.  Happier  than  those  of  us  who  were  obliged 
in  earUer  days  to  conquer  the  wilderness,  you  men  of  Argen- 
tina have  at  your  hands  great,  new  forces  for  your  use. 
Changes  have  come  of  recent  years  in  the  world  which  affect 
the  working  out  of  your  problem.  One  is  that  through  the 
comparative  infrequency  of  war,  of  pestilence,  of  famine, 
through  the  increased  sanitation  of  the  world,  the  decrease 
of  infant  mortality  by  reason  of  better  sanitation,  the  popu- 
lation of  the  world  is  increasing.  Those  causes  which  reduced 
population  are  being  removed  and  the  pressure  of  population 
is  sending  out  wave  after  wave  of  men  for  the  peopling  of  the 
vacant  lands  of  the  earth.  Another  change  is,  that  through 
the  wonderful  activity  of  invention  and  discovery  and  organ- 
izing capacity  during  our  lifetime,  the  power  of  mankind 
to  produce  wealth  has  been  immensely  increased.  One  man 
today,  with  machinery,  with  steam,  with  electricity,  with  all 
the  myriads  of  appliances  that  invention  and  discovery  have 
created,  can  produce  more  wealth,  more  of  the  things  that 
mankind  desires,  than  twenty  men  could  have  produced 
years  ago;  and  the  result  is  that  vast  accumulations  of 
capital  are  massing  in  the  world,  ready  to  be  poured  out  for 
the  building  up  of  the  vacant  places  of  the  earth.  For  the 
utilization  of  these  two  great  forces,  men  and  money,  you 
in  Argentina  have  the  opportunity  of  incalculable  potential 


/ 

/ 


100     LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

wealth,  and  you  have  the  formative  power  in  the  spirit  and 
the  brain  of  your  people. 

I  went  today  to  one  of  your  great  flour  mills  and  to  one  of 
your  great  refrigerating  plants.  I  viewed  the  myriad  indus- 
tries that  surround  the  harbor,  the  forests  of  masts,  the 
thronged  steamers.  I  was  interested  and  amazed.  It  far 
exceeded  my  imagination  and  suggested  an  analogy  to  an 
incident  in  my  past  life.  It  was  my  fortune  in  the  year  when 
the  war  broke  out  between  Prussia  and  France,  to  be  travel- 
ling in  Germany.  Immediately  upon  the  announcement  of 
the  war,  maps  of  the  seat  of  war  were  printed  and  posted  in 
every  shop  window.  The  maps  were  maps  of  Germany,  with 
a  Httle  stretch  of  France.  Within  a  fortnight  the  armies  had 
marched  off  the  map.  It  seems  to  be  so  with  Argentina.  I 
have  read  books  about  Argentina.  I  have  read  magazine  and 
newspaper  articles;  but  within  the  last  five  years  you  have 
marched  off  the  map.  The  books  and  magazines  are  all  out 
of  date.  What  you  have  done  since  they  were  written  is 
much  more  than  had  been  done  before.  They  are  no  guide 
to  the  country.  Nevertheless,  with  all  your  vast  material 
activity,  it  seems  to  me  that  the  most  wonderful  and  interest- 
ing thing  to  be  found  here  is  the  laboratory  of  life,  where  you 
are  mixing  the  elements  of  the  future  race.  Argentine,  Eng- 
lish, German,  Italian,  French,  and  Spanish,  and  American 
are  all  being  welded  together  to  make  the  new  type.  It  was 
the  greatest  satisfaction  to  me  to  go  into  the  school  and  see 
that  first  and  greatest  agency,  the  children  of  all  races  in  the 
first  and  most  impressionable  period  of  life,  being  brought 
together  and  acting  and  reacting  on  each  other,  and  all  tend- 
ing toward  the  new  type,  which  will  embody  the  character- 
istics of  all;  and  to  know  that  the  system  of  schools  in  which 
this  is  being  done  was,  by  the  wisdom  of  your  great  President 
Sarmiento,  brought  from  my  own  country  through  his  friend- 


ARGENTINA  XOX 

ship  with  the  great  leader  of  education  in  the  United  States 
of  America  —  Horace  Mann. 

Mr.  Chairman,  I  should  have  been  glad  to  see  all  these 
wonderful  things  as  an  inconspicuous  observer.  It  is  quite 
foreign  to  my  habits  and  to  my  nature  to  move  through 
applauding  throngs,  accompanied  by  guards  of  honor;  yet 
perhaps  it  is  well  that  the  idea  which  I  represent  should  be 
applauded  by  crowds  and  accompanied  by  guards  of  honor. 
The  pomp  and  circumstance  of  war  attract  the  fancy  of  the 
multitude;  the  armored  knight  moves  across  the  page  of 
romance  and  of  poetry  and  kindles  the  imagination  of  youth; 
the  shouts  of  the  crowd,  the  smiles  of  beauty,  the  admiration 
of  youth,  the  gratitude  of  nations,  the  plaudits  of  mankind, 
follow  the  hero  about  whom  the  glamor  of  military  glory 
dims  the  eye  to  the  destruction  and  death  and  human  misery 
that  follow  the  path  of  war.  Perhaps  it  is  well  that  some- 
times there  should  go  to  the  herdsman  on  his  lonely  ranch,  to 
the  husbandman  in  his  field,  to  the  clerk  in  the  counting-house 
and  the  shop,  to  the  student  at  his  books,  to  the  boy  in  the 
street,  the  idea  that  there  is  honor  to  be  paid  to  those  quali- 
ties of  mankind  which  rest  upon  justice,  upon  mercy,  upon 
consideration  for  the  rights  of  others,  upon  humanity,  upon 
the  patient  and  kindly  spirit,  upon  all  those  exercises  of  the 
human  heart  which  lead  to  happy  homes,  to  prosperity,  to 
learning,  to  art,  to  religion,  to  the  things  that  dignify  life  and 
amoWe  it  and  give  it  its  charm  and  grace. 
C  \Ve  honor  Washington  as  the  leader  of  his  country's 
forces  in  the  war  of  independence;  but  that  supreme  patience 
which  enabled  him  to  keep  the  warring  elements  of  his  people 
at  peace  is  a  higher  claim  to  the  reverence  of  mankind  than 
his  superb  military  strategy.  San  Martfn  was  great  in  his 
military  achievements;  his  Napoleonic  march  across  the 
Andes  is  entitled  to  be  preserved  in  the  history  of  military 


Ib^     LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

affairs  so  long  as  history  is  written;  but  the  almost  super- 
human self-abnegation  with  which  he  laid  aside  power  and 
greatness  that  peace  might  give  its  strength  to  his  people, 
was  greater  than  his  military  achievements.  The  triumphant 
march  of  the  conquering  hero  is  admirable  and  to  be  greeted 
with  huzzas,  but  the  conquering  march  of  an  idea  which 
makes  for  humanity  is  more  admirable  and  more  to  be 
applauded.  This  is  not  theory;  it  is  practical.  It  has  to  do 
with  our  affairs  today;  for  we  are  now  in  an  age  of  the 
world  when  not  governors,  not  presidents,  not  congresses,  but 
the  people  determine  the  issues  of  peace  or  war,  of  contro- 
versy or  of  quiet.  I  am  an  advocate  of  arbitration;  I  am  an 
advocate  of  mediation;  of  all  the  measures  that  tend  toward 
bringing  reasonable  and  cool  judgment  to  take  the  place 
of  war;  but  let  us  never  forget  that  arbitration  and  media- 
tion , —  all  measures  of  that  description  —  are  but  the  treat- 
ment of  the  symptoms  and  not  the  treatment  of  the  cause  of 
disease;  and  that  the  real  cure  for  war  is  to  get  into  the 
hearts  of  the  people  and  lead  them  to  a  just  sense  of  their 
rights  and  other  people's  rights,  lead  them  to  love  peace  and 
to  hate  war,  lead  them  to  hold  up  the  hands  of  their  govern- 
ments in  the  friendly  commerce  of  diplomacy,  rather  than  to 
urge  them  oh  to  strife;  and  let  there  go  to  the  herdsman  and 
the  husbandman  and  the  merchant  and  the  student  and  the 
boy  in  the  street  every  influence  which  can  tend  toward  that 
sweet  reasonableness,  that  kindly  sentiment,  that  breadth 
of  feeling  for  humanity,  that  consideration  for  the  rights  of 
others,  which  lie  at  the  basis  of  the  peace  of  the  world. 


CHILE 


SANTIAGO 


Speech  of  His  Excellency  JermXn  Riesco 

President  of  the  Repubuc 

At  the  Government  House,  September  1, 1906 

I  GREET  you  and  welcome  you  in  the  name  of  the  people 
and  of  the  Government  of  Chile,  who  receive  your  visit 
with  the  liveliest  satisfaction. 

Your  attendance  at  the  congress  of  fraternity  which  the 
American  republics  have  just  held;  your  visit  to  the  neigh- 
boring countries,  which  we  have  followed  with  the  greatest 
interest;  and  your  presence  amongst  us,  upon  the  invitation 
which  we  had  the  honor  of  extending  to  you,  are  eloquent 
testimony  of  the  high-minded  intentions,  which  will  neces- 
sarily produce  much  good  for  the  progress  and  the  devel- 
opment of  America. 

In  these  moments  we  feel  a  most  profound  gratitude 
toward  your  country,  toward  your  worthy  President,  and 
toward  yourself  for  the  friendship  and  sympathy  with  which 
you  have  joined  in  the  sorrow  of  Chile  because  of  the  disaster 
which  has  wounded  Valparaiso  and  other  cities  of  the 
republic. 

I  wish  that  your  stay  in  this  country  may  be  agreeable  to 
you  and  your  distinguished  family. 

Reply  of  Mb.  Root 

I  THANK  you,  Mr.  President,  for  your  kind  welcome  and  for 
your  generous  expressions,  and  I  thank  you  for  the  courteous 
invitation  which  led  to  this  visit  on  my  part.  After  the  great 
calamity  which  has  befallen  your  country,  I  should  have 
feared  to  intrude  upon  the  mourning  which  is  in  so  many 

108 


104     LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

Chilean  homes,  but  I  did  not  feel  that  I  could  pass  by  without 
calling  upon  you  —  upon  the  representative  of  the  Chilean 
people  —  to  express  in  person  the  deep  sympathy  and  sor- 
row which  I,  and  all  my  people,  whom  I  represent,  feel  for 
your  country  and  for  the  stricken  and  bereaved  ones;  and 
the  earnest  hope  we  have  for  the  prompt  and  cheerful 
recovery  of  spirit  and  of  confidence  and  of  prosperity  after 
the  great  misfortune.  We  know  that  the  spirit  and  the 
strength  of  the  people  of  Chile  are  adequate  for  the  recovery, 
even  from  so  great  a  disaster.  No  one  in  the  world,  Mr. 
President,  can  feel  more  deeply  the  misfortune  that  you 
have  suffered  than  the  people  of  the  United  States,  because 
you  know  that  in  our  country  we  have  recently  experienced 
just  such  a  calamity.  I  am  sure  that  nowhere  in  the  world 
will  you  find  so  keen  a  sense  of  sympathy  as  is  there  and 
as  I  now  express.  It  may  sometimes  happen  that  in  adver- 
sity stronger  friendships  arise  than  in  prosperity;  and  I  hope 
that  although  I  come  to  bring  to  you  an  expression  of  the 
friendship  of  the  United  States  of  America  for  the  republic 
of  Chile  now  while  the  cloud  rests  upon  you,  the  eflFect  of 
the  exchange  of  kind  words  and  kinder  feelings  in  this  time 
may  be  greater,  more  permanent,  and  more  lasting  than  they 
could  have  been  when  all  were  prosperous  and  happy. 

BANQUET  OF  THE  PRESIDENT 

Speech  of  His  Excellency  Antonio  Huneeus 
Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs 
At  the  Moneda,  September  2, 1906 

I  EXTEND  to  you  the  welcome  of  the  people  and  of  the 
Government.  Heartily  do  1  say  to  you,  in  the  name  of  all 
Chileans:  Be  welcome. 

We  were  preparing  to  entertain  you  in  magnificent  style, 
but  it  was  the  will  of  Providence  to  visit  us  with  a  bitter  trial, 
so  we  are  now  receiving  you  in  a  modest  manner. 


CHILE  105 

Come  and  see,  sir,  what  we  have  suffered.  Morally,  we 
have  suffered  much;  for  several  thousands  of  our  brothers 
perished  in  the  catastrophe  of  August  16.  Materially  speak- 
ing, we  lose  the  greater  part  of  our  principal  port  and  of 
several  cities  of  minor  importance,  together  with  the  profits 
which  cease  in  consequence.  Behold  now,  sir,  what  remains 
to  us  and  how  we  are  rising.  Our  productive  forces  are  alive 
and  sound;  agriculture,  mining,  and  manufacturing  have 
scarcely  suffered,  and  our  saltpeter  treasures  continue  to 
exist. 

Public  order  remained  undisturbed;  generally  speaking, 
the  reign  of  the  law  was  maintained;  the  authorities  fulfilled 
their  duty;  and  the  navy,  glorious  guardian  of  half  our 
territory,  which  is  the  ocean,  was  saved  intact.  Therefore, 
all  we  sons  of  Chile  are  of  cheerful  heart. 

The  virility  of  a  country  is  worth  more  than  the  splendor 
of  its  monuments.  It  does  not  humiliate  us,  therefore,  to 
have  you  see  houses  and  towns  destroyed,  for  it  was  not  a 
civil  war  or  a  foreign  enemy  which  razed  them  to  the  ground, 
but  a  higher  hand.  It  is  rather  a  source  of  pride  to  us  to  have 
you  witness  the  integrity  and  unity  of  the  Chileans. 

The  fortitude  of  our  race  and  our  good  sense  will  cause  us  to 
rise  again  in  a  short  time  to  a  greater  prosperity. 

You  plainly  see  that  Chile  is  still  entire,  and  that  our 
misfortune  was  more  painful  than  injurious. 

We  did  not,  therefore,  think  for  a  moment  that  you  might 
postpone  your  visit.  On  the  contrary,  we  telegraphed  to  you 
a  few  hours  after  the  earthquake:  "  Our  home  is  demohshed; 
but  come,  sir,  for  we  are  safe,  calm,  and  diligent." 

Besides,  the  plain  dignity  of  your  character,  which  we  knew, 
and  the  objects  of  your  visit  encouraged  us  to  speak  to  you. 

You  have  come,  most  excellent  sir,  to  offer  your  over- 
production to  our  consumers,  and  to  ask  a  larger  place  for 
the  Americans  in  the  Chilean  heart. 


106     LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

You  are  going  to  obtain  all  that.  But,  besides  this,  Mr. 
Root,  please  bear  to  the  sons  of  the  United  States,  and 
especially  to  our  brothers  in  misfortune  at  San  Francisco, 
California,  a  sacred  homage  —  the  intense  gratitude  of 
the  society  and  Government  of  Chile  for  the  generous  aid 
to  our  sufferers  by  which  the  Americans  are  proving  to  us 
that  along  with  greatness  of  power  they  have  greatness 
of  heart. 

We  knew  of  all  this  greatness.  With  a  territory  covering 
half  a  continent  and  nourished  by  every  kind  of  riches,  with 
a  firm  and  impulsive  character,  with  broad  and  far-reaching 
views  along  every  channel  which  human  activity  can  pursue, 
and  endowed  with  a  clear  instinct  of  what  is  possible,  the 
Americans  have  become  useful  and  wealthy. 

They  understood  two  essential  things,  namely,  that 
government  is  not  merely  a  pleasant  and  covetable  ideal,  but 
a  fundamental  necessity,  and  that  the  greatest  value  does 
not  consist  in  traditions  or  fortune,  but  in  personal  merit. 
They  therefore  abolished  every  unjustified  distinction  of 
superiority  and  organized  as  a  democracy. 

The  result  of  the  combination  of  such  rare  and  happy 
moral  and  material  elements  has  been  the  springing  up  of  a 
nation  as  powerful  as  the  most  powerful,  and  in  freedom 
equaled  by  none. 

And  how  well  the  United  States  know  that  there  is  no 
greatness  without  Hberty ! 

Since  the  consciousness  of  right  has  become  deeper,  prin- 
ciples of  respect  and  faith  have  become  implanted  in  the 
commonwealth  of  nations,  whatever  be  the  extent  of  their 
territory,  their  population,  or  their  armed  forces.  The 
inveterate  abuses  of  force  are  disappearing.  The  principle 
which,  being  embodied  into  a  law  of  equality  among  all  the 
nations,  always  prevails  at  present  in  international  relations 
is  that  of  liberty  for  the  weaker  side. 


CHILE  107 

The  American  Union  —  the  free  country  —  years  ago 
established  its  foreign  pohcy  on  the  plan  of  equality.  Its 
commercial  iflag  waves  throughout  the  world  without 
arrogance  or  spirit  of  intervention. 

Your  natural  wisdom  tells  you,  Mr.  Root,  that  you  do  not 
need  any  other  than  mercantile  expansion,  and  still  more 
that  none  other  would  be  suited  to  you. 

You  have  of  late  repeatedly  given  practical  and  unmis- 
takable testimonials  that  this  is  your  policy. 

You  have  stated  so  yourself  at  Rio  de  Janeiro,  and  your 
presence  among  us  is  a  further  proof  that  your  purposes  are 
friendly  and  frank. 

Let  us  enter  into  commercial  relations  with  the  United 
States  with  friendship  and  confidence.  We  shall  proceed  as 
far  as  is  mutually  beneficial  to  us,  and  this  will  be  shown  us 
by  the  natural  laws  of  mercantile  transactions. 

The  Government  desires  that  American  goods  shall  come 
to  Chile  in  abundance  to  facilitate  living,  and  it  earnestly 
desires  at  the  same  time  that  Chilean  products  may  be 
multiphed  and  that  they  may  endeavor  to  offset  these 
importations. 

Since  the  sixteenth  of  August  we  have  been  pushing  more 
resolutely  than  before  the  work  of  our  restoration.  We  have 
all  the  moral  factors,  namely,  order,  will,  and  an  apt  and 
energetic  people.  We  also  have  incalculable  and  extremely 
varied  natural  resources.  There  is  only  one  material  factor  in 
which  we  may  be  short,  namely,  capital,  which  is  a  powerful 
force  if  well  employed. 

Chile  will  be  glad  to  see  American  capital  come  and 
establish  itself  in  our  commercial  and  industrial  circulation. 
It  will  blend  well  with  Chilean  honor  and  will  prosper 
under  the  protection  of  our  laws,  which  are  liberal  with  the 
foreigner,  and  under  the  shelter  of  our  government,  which 
is  unshakable. 


108     LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

We  are  certain  that  Chilean  interests  will  meet  the  same 
respect  from  the  government  of  the  Union  that  we  cherish 
for  American  interests. 

The  infinite  variety  of  articles  of  supply  and  consumption 
will  certainly  enable  the  interchange  of  goods  between  Chile 
and  America  to  increase  without  narrowing  the  horizons  of 
our  commerce  with  friendly  markets,  which  today  bring  us 
capital,  raw  materials,  workmen,  and  manufactures. 

The  American  Union  has  happily  solved  its  internal  and 
foreign  problems,  has  established  its  political  and  economic 
power  on  a  firm  basis,  and  is,  finally,  in  full  enjoyment  of  its 
natural  greatness  and  freely  exercising  all  its  energies  at  the 
present  time.  We  have  attentively  observed  that  it  desires 
to  promote  the  progress  of  the  world  and  to  see  the  other 
nations  of  Christendom,  especially  the  American  republics, 
associated  in  this  great  work  on  terms  of  equality,  friendship, 
and  mutual  benefit. 

We  respond,  therefore,  to  its  affectionate  call  by  declaring 
that  we  are  imbued  with  sincere  faith  in  the  friendship  of  the 
government  and  the  people  of  the  United  States;  we  utter 
fervent  wishes  that  our  mutual  confidence  may  become 
strengthened  and  be  free  of  misgivings;  and  we  prophesy 
that  the  rapprochement  which  the  eminent  Secretary  of  State 
now  visiting  us  has  initiated  will  be  of  beneficent  influence 
on  our  international  cordiality  and  bring  prosperous  results 
for  our  development. 

Most  excellent  Mr.  Root,  His  Excellency  the  President  of 
the  Repubhc  requests  you  to  say  to  the  illustrious  President 
Roosevelt  and  to  your  fellow-citizens  that  the  Chilean  people 
fraternize  cordially  with  the  American  people;  that  our  mar- 
kets are  free  to  them;  that  we  admire  your  government  offi- 
cials; that  your  most  excellent  minister,  Mr.  Hicks,  enjoys 
our  highest  esteem  and  good  feeling;  and  that  we  have 
received  you  and  your  most  worthy  family  with  open  hearts. 


CHILE  109 

Reply  of  Mr.  Root 

I  BEG  you  to  believe  in  the  sincere  and  high  appreciation 
which  I  have  for  all  the  kindness  you  have  shown  me  and  my 
family  since  our  arrival  in  Chile.  I  believe  that  the  delicacy, 
the  sense  of  propriety  and  fitness,  that  have  characterized 
our  reception,  both  official  and  personal,  have  produced  in  our 
minds,  under  the  sad  circumstances  of  the  great  misfortune 
that  hangs  over  the  Chilean  people  like  a  cloud,  a  deeper 
impression  than  the  most  splendid  and  sumptuous  display. 
I  believe  that  to  be  able  to  mourn  with  you  in  your  loss,  to 
sympathize  with  you  in  your  misfortune,  draws  us  closer  to 
you  than  to  be  with  you  in  the  greatest  prosperity  and  happi- 
ness upon  which  the  brightest  sun  has  ever  shone. 

I  thank  you  for  your  kindly  expressions  regarding  my 
President,  regarding  myself,  and  regarding  my  country.  In 
the  "  United  States  of  America,"  as  our  Constitution  called 
us  many  years  ago  —  the  "  United  States  of  North  America," 
as  perhaps  we  should  call  ourselves  south  of  the  equator  — 
we  have  been  for  a  long  time,  and  are  still  trying  to  reconcile 
individual  liberty  with  public  order,  local  self-government 
with  a  strong  central  and  national  control;  trying  to  develop 
the  capacity  of  the  individuals  of  our  people  to  control  them- 
selves, and  also  the  capacity  of  the  people  collectively  for 
self-government;  trying  to  adopt  sound  financial  methods, 
to  promote  justice  —  a  justice  compatible  with  mercy  — 
and  to  make  progress  in  all  that  makes  a  people  happier, 
more  prosperous,  better  educated,  better  able  to  perform 
their  duties  as  citizens  and  to  do  their  part  in  the  world  to 
help  humanity  out  of  the  hard  conditions  of  poverty  and 
ignorance  and  along  the  pathway  of  civilization.  We  have 
done  what  we  could.  We  have  committed  errors  and  we 
acknowledge  them  and  are  deeply  conscious  of  them;  but 
we  are  justly  proud  of  our  country  for  the  progress  it  has 


110     LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

made;  and  we  look  on  every  country  that  is  engaged  in  that 
same  struggle  for  liberty  and  justice  with  profound  sympathy 
and  warm  friendship. 

I  am  here  to  say  to  the  Chilean  people  that  although  there 
have  been  misunderstandings  in  the  past,  they  were  mis- 
understandings such  as  arise  between  two  vigorous,  proud 
peoples  that  know  each  other  too  little.  Let  us  know  each 
other  better  and  we  shall  have  put  an  end  to  misunderstand- 
ings. The  present  moment  is  especially  propitious  for  saying 
this,  because  we  are  upon  the  threshold  of  great  events  in 
this  western  world  of  ours.  In  my  own  country  the  progress 
of  development  has  reached  a  point  of  transition.  In  the 
fifty  years,  from  1850  to  1900,  we  received  on  our  shores 
nearly  twenty  million  immigrants  from  the  Old  World.  We 
borrowed  from  the  Old  World  thousands  of  millions  of  dol- 
lars; and  with  the  strong  arm  of  the  immigrants  and  with 
the  capital  from  the  Old  World,  we  have  threaded  the 
country  with  railroads,  we  have  constructed  great  public 
works,  we  have  created  the  phenomenal  prosperity  that  you 
all  know;  and  now  we  have  paid  our  debts  to  Europe;  we 
have  returned  the  capital  with  which  our  country  was  built 
up;  and  in  the  last  half  dozen  years  we  have  been  accumulat- 
ing an  excess  of  capital  that  is  beginning  to  seek  an  outlet  in 
foreign  enterprises. 

At  the  same  time,  there  is  seen  in  South  America  the  dawn 
of  a  new  life  which  moves  its  people,  as  they  have  never  been 
moved  before,  with  the  spirit  of  industrial  and  commercial 
progress. 

At  a  banquet  that  was  given  last  winter  to  a  great  and 
distinguished  man,  Lord  Grey,  Governor-General  of  Canada, 
he  said:  "  The  nineteenth  century  was  the  century  of  the 
United  States;  the  twentieth  century  will  be  the  century  of 
Canada."  I  should  feel  surer  as  a  prophet  if  I  were  to  say: 
"  The   twentieth   century   will   be   the   century   of   South 


CHILE  111 

America."  I  believe,  with  him,  in  the  great  development  of 
Canada;  but  just  as  the  nineteenth  century  was  the  century 
of  phenomenal  development  in  North  America,  I  believe  that 
no  student  can  help  seeing  that  the  twentieth  century  will  be 
the  century  of  phenomenal  development  in  South  America. 

And  so  our  countries  will  be  face  to  face  in  a  new  attitude. 
We  cannot  longer  remain  strangers  to  each  other;  our  rela- 
tions must  be  those  of  intimacy,  and  this  is  the  time  to  say 
that  our  relations  will  be  those  of  friendship. 

On  the  other  hand,  before  long  the  construction  of  the  canal 
across  the  Isthmus  of  Panama,  which  will  fulfill  the  dreams 
of  the  eariy  navigators,  which  will  accomplish  the  work  pro- 
jected for  centuries,  will  at  last  be  completed,  while  the  men 
who  are  today  active  in  the  business  of  both  countries  are 
still  on  the  field  of  action. 

This,  therefore,  is  the  moment  to  safeguard  harmony  in 
the  relations  between  the  two  nations. 

I  do  not  believe  that  any  one  can  say  what  changes  the 
opening  of  the  Panama  Canal  will  bring  in  the  affairs  of  the 
world;  but  we  do  know  that  great  changes  in  the  commercial 
routes  of  the  worid  have  changed  the  course  of  history,  and 
no  one  can  doubt  that  the  creation  of  a  waterway  that  will 
put  the  Pacific  coast  of  South  America  in  close  touch  with 
the  Atlantic  coast  of  North  America  must  be  a  factor  of 
incalculable  importance  in  determining  the  affairs  of  the 
western  hemisphere  and  promoting  our  relations  of  intimacy 
and  friendship. 

Now,  at  this  moment,  at  the  beginning  of  this  great  com- 
mercial and  industrial  awakening  —  I  say  at  the  beginning, 
notwithstanding  all  that  you  have  already  done,  because  I 
believe  you  have  only  begun  to  realize  the  great  work  you 
have  before  you  —  at  this  moment  there  falls  on  you  this 
terrible  misfortune,  one  of  those  warnings  that  at  times  God 
sends  to  his  people  to  show  them  how  weak  they  are  in  his 


112     LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

hands  —  a  misfortune  because  of  which  the  entire  world 
mourns  with  you.  But  I  believe  —  I  know  —  that  the  air  of 
these  mountains  and  of  these  shores,  which  in  another  time 
gave  its  spirit  to  the  proud  and  indomitable  Arucanian  race, 
has  given  to  the  people  of  Chile  the  vigor  with  which  to  rise 
up  from  the  ashes  of  Valparaiso  and  with  which  to  make 
out  of  the  misfortune  of  today  the  incentive  for  great  deeds 
tomorrow.  And  in  this  era  of  friendship,  when  peaceful 
immigration  has  replaced  armed  invasions,  when  the  free 
exchange  of  capital  and  the  international  ownership  of  indus- 
trial and  commercial  enterprises,  of  manufactures,  of  mines, 
have  replaced  rapine  and  plunder  —  in  this  era  of  commer- 
cial conquest  and  industrial  acquisition,  of  more  frequent 
intercourse  among  men,  of  more  intimate  knowledge  and 
better  understanding,  there  has  come  to  you  in  this  your  great 
misfortune  the  friendship  and  the  sympathy  of  the  world. 

In  truth,  our  friends  who  sleep  the  last  sleep  there  in  Val- 
pariso  have  brought  to  their  country  a  possession  of  greater 
value  than  was  ever  won  by  the  soldier  on  the  battlefield. 

As  I  said  to  you  yesterday,  Mr.  President,  I  feared  that 
under  the  present  sad  circumstances  I  might  be  intruding 
upon  you;  should  I  not  rather  feel  that  the  words  of  friend- 
ship of  which  I  am  the  bearer  are  in  perfect  harmony  with  the 
sentiment  that  your  affliction  has  created  in  all  countries, 
the  imiversal  recosmition  of  the  brotherhood  of  man  ? 


PERU 

BANQUET  AT  THE  GOVEKNnVIENT  PALACE,  LIMA 

Speech  of  His  Excellency  Jose  Pardo  y  Barreda 

President  of  the  Repxjbuc 

September  10,  1906 

WITH  the  most  sincere  good  will,  I  cordially  welcome 
you  in  the  name  of  my  country  and  of  its  Govern- 
ment, and  I  believe  I  faithfuUy  interpret  the  sentiments  that 
rule  in  Peru  in  telling  you  of  its  sincere  good  will  toward  the 
United  States,  their  illustrious  President,  and  toward  your 
own  distinguished  p>erson.  These  feelings  which  unite  the 
two  countries  began  in  the  dawn  of  independence,  because 
the  founders  of  the  great  republic  showed  our  forefathers 
the  way  to  become  free;  and  they  strengthened  us  from  the 
first  days  of  our  independent  life  by  the  safeguard  which 
the  admirable  foresight  of  another  great  statesman  of  your 
country  placed  around  American  soil. 

Since  then  the  closest  friendship  has  united  the  two  nations. 
Peru  has  received  from  the  United  States  proofs  of  a  very 
special  deference,  and  has  appreciated  the  efforts  made  by 
your  government  to  establish  political  relations  between  the 
American  peoples  upon  the  basis  of  right  and  justice.  In 
this  most  noble  aspiration,  worthy  of  the  greatness  of  yoiir 
country,  Peru,  on  her  part,  imreservedly  acquiesces. 

The  lofty  ideas  which  you  have  expressed  since  your  arrival 
in  South  America,  the  frank  expressions  of  cordiality,  the 
concepts  of  stimulus  and  aid  to  induce  us,  the  Americans  of 
the  South,  to  work  in  the  same  way  as  those  of  the  North, 
with  earnestness  and  unflinching  hope  in  the  future,  have 
found  in  every  breast  the  most  pleasing  echo,  and  they  direct 
toward  your  person  the  most  lively  sympathy. 

lis 


114     LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

Closely  associated  fellow- worker  with  the  illustrious  states- 
man who  rules  the  destinies  of  your  country,  to  you  belongs, 
in  a  great  measure,  the  acclamation  with  which  America  and 
the  entire  world  would  greet  the  great  nation  that  has  con- 
stituted the  most  perfect  democratic  society,  that  has  made 
the  most  surprising  progress  in  industrial  and  economic  order, 
and  that  has  placed  the  prestige  of  its  greatness  at  the 
service  of  peace  all  over  the  world. 

Gentlemen,  I  invite  you  to  drink  to  the  United  States;  to 
its  President,  Mr.  Roosevelt;  and  to  its  Secretary  of  State, 
Mr.  Root. 

Reply  of  Mr.  Root 

I  THANK  you  sincerely,  both  in  my  own  behalf  and  in  behalf 
of  my  country,  for  your  kind  welcome  and  for  the  words,  full 
of  friendship  and  of  kindly  judgment,  you  have  uttered 
regarding  my  country  and  regarding  her  servants,  the  Presi- 
dent and  myself.  The  distinguished  gentleman  who  repre- 
sents Peru  in  the  capital  of  the  United  States  of  America,  and 
who  shares  with  you,  sir,  the  inheritance  of  a  name  great  and 
honored,  not  only  in  Peru  but  wherever  the  friends  of  con- 
stitutional freedom  are  found  —  in  his  note  of  invitation  to 
me,  upon  which  I  am  now  a  visitor  to  your  city,  used  a  form 
of  expression  that  has  dwelt  in  my  memory,  because  it  was  so 
true.  He  spoke  of  the  old,  sincere,  and  cordial  friendship  of 
our  two  countries  —  that  is  indeed  true  of  the  friendship  of 
the  United  States  of  America  and  the  republic  of  Peru.  It  is 
an  old  friendship,  a  sincere  friendship,  and  a  cordial  friend- 
ship. I  have  come  here  not  to  make  new  friends,  but  to  greet 
old  ones;  not  to  announce  a  new  departure  in  policy,  but  to 
follow  old  and  honored  lines;  and  I  should  have  thought  that 
in  coming  to  South  America  in  answer  to  the  invitations  of 
the  different  countries,  all  down  the  east  and  up  the  west 
coast,  to  have  passed  by  Peru  would  indeed  be  to  have  played 


PERU  115 

"Hamlet "  with  Hamlet  left  out.  It  is  still  a  more  natural  and 
still  a  stronger  impulse  to  visit  Peru  at  this  time,  as  a  part 
of  a  mission  of  friendship  and  good  will,  when  the  relations 
between  the  two  countries  are  about  to  be  drawn  even  closer. 

The  completion  of  the  canal  across  the  Isthmus  of  Panama 
will  make  us  near  neighbors  as  we  have  never  been  before,  so 
that  we  may  take  our  staterooms  at  the  wharf  at  Callao  or  at 
New  York,  and  visit  each  other  without  change  of  quarters 
during  the  joiimey.  And  no  one  can  tell  what  the  effect  of 
the  canal  will  be.  We  do  know  that  nothing  of  the  kind  was 
ever  done  before  in  human  history  without  producing  a  most 
powerful  effect  upon  mankind.  The  course  of  civilization, 
the  rise  and  fall  of  nations,  the  development  of  mankind, 
have  followed  the  establishment  of  new  trade  routes.  No  one 
can  now  tell  just  what  the  specific  effect  of  the  cutting  of  the 
canal  across  the  isthmus  may  be;  but  it  will  be  great  and 
momentous  in  the  affairs  of  the  world.  Of  this  we  may  be 
certain,  that  for  the  nations  situated  immediately  to  the 
south  and  immediately  to  the  north  of  the  canal,  there  will  be 
great  changes  in  their  relations  with  the  rest  of  the  world; 
and  it  is  most  gratifying  to  know  that  this  great  work  which 
the  United  States  of  America  is  now  undertaking  —  the  cost 
of  which  she  never  expects  to  get  back  —  a  work  which 
she  is  doing  not  merely  for  her  own  benefit,  but  because  she 
is  moved  by  the  belief  that  great  things  are  worth  doing,  is 
going  to  bring  great  benefits  to  the  entire  world,  and  to  her 
old  and  her  good  friend,  the  republic  of  Peru. 

I  thank  you,  Mr.  President,  for  your  kind  reception,  and  I 
beg  you  to  permit  me  to  ask  the  gentlemen  here  to  join  me  in 
proposing  in  behalf  of  President  Roosevelt  the  health  and 
long  life  and  prosperity  of  the  President  of  Peru. 


116     LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

1     BANQUET   OF   THE   MINISTER   FOR   FOREIGN   AFFAIRS 

/  Speech  of  His  Excellency  Javier  Prado  y  Ugarteche 

\  Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs 

^^  At  the  Union  Club,  September  11, 1906 

With  the  liveliest  feelings  of  consideration  and  sympathy  I 
have  the  honor  to  offer  this  manifestation  to  His  Excellency 
Mr.  Elihu  Root,  Secretary  of  State  of  the  United  States  of 
America. 

Yielding  to  the  generous  impulses  of  your  American  heart, 
and  of  your  brain  of  a  thinker  and  of  a  statesman,  you  have 
felt  a  desire,  Mr.  Root,  to  visit  these  countries,  to  address  to 
them  words  of  friendship  and  of  interest  in  their  welfare,  in 
the  name  of  the  honorable  government  which  you  represent, 
and  to  shed  over  this  continent  the  rays  of  the  noble  ideal  of 
American  fraternity. 

Your  visit  will  undoubtedly  produce  fruitful  results  on 
behalf  of  Hberty  and  of  justice,  of  peace  and  of  progress,  of 
order  and  of  improvement,  which  you  have  proclaimed  as 
being  the  highest  principles  inspiring  the  policy  of  the  United 
States  in  the  special  mission  for  which  their  peculiar  virtues 
and  energy  have  marked  them  out  in  the  destiny  of  humanity. 

When  those  austere  founders  of  American  independence 
laid  the  foundations  of  the  great  republic  of  the  North,  and 
gave  it  its  constitution,  they  were  not  inspired  by  narrow- 
minded  ideas  or  by  selfish  and  transitory  interest,  but  by  a 
profound  conviction  of  the  rights  of  man  and  a  deep  feeling  of 
hberty  and  of  justice,  which,  in  its  irresistible  consequences, 
would  bring  about  the  social  and  political  transformation 
which  came  to  pass  in  the  world  at  the  end  of  the  eighteenth 
century,  and  was  destined  to  constitute  the  gospel  of  liberty 
and  of  democracy  in  our  modern  regime. 

This  same  people,  although  still  in  its  youth,  did  not  hesi- 
tate, shortly  after,  all  alone,  to  guarantee  the  independence  of 


PERU  117 

all  the  American  countries,  placing  before  the  great  powers 
of  the  world  the  pillars  of  Hercules  of  the  Monroe  Doctrine, 
forming  an  impassable  gateway  to  a  free  and  unconquerable 
America. 

Today  this  same  people  excites  the  admiration  of  the  whole 
world  by  its  grandeur.  Its  government  brings  to  its  level 
the  harmony  of  humanity;  reestablishes,  on  the  one  hand, 
peace  between  the  empires  of  Europe  and  of  Asia,  and,  on  the 
other,  between  the  republics  of  Central  America;  patronizes 
the  congress  of  The  Hague,  and  in  it  obtains  the  recog- 
nition of  the  personahty  of  the  American  nations,  thus  giving 
proof  of  the  interest  it  takes,  with  equal  concern,  in  the 
future  of  the  peoples  civilized  for  a  century,  as  well  as  in 
that  of  the  countries  just  commencing  their  existence.  The 
American  Constitution,  the  Monroe  Doctrine,  together  with 
the  poHcy  of  President  Roosevelt,  and  of  his  Secretary  of 
State,  Mr.  Root,  voice  in  this  manner,  through  the  pages  of 
history,  the  same  language  of  liberty,  of  justice,  humanity, 
and  Americanism. 

How  deep  is  the  lesson  to  be  learned  from  these  facts! 

The  ancient  ideas  founded  right  upon  force,  the  regime  of 
the  social  bodies  was  that  of  privilege,  and  individual  efforts 
were  tied  by  bonds  imposed  in  the  name  of  the  authorities. 
The  modem  ideas,  such  as  the  United  States  proclaim,  found 
all  right  upon  justice,  and  the  social  regime  upon  liberty  and 
equality.  The  human  being  is  not  an  instrument  for  the 
display  of  arbitrary  power,  but  is  the  whole  object  of  social 
life,  the  mission  of  which  is  the  development  of  its  energies, 
its  moral  conscience,  the  improvement  and  welfare  of  indi- 
viduals and  of  nations. 

According  to  the  ancient  ideas,  the  greatness  of  the  nations 
was  measured  by  their  military  power  and  by  the  limits  of 
their  conquests  of  force.  According  to  modern  ideas,  as 
represented  by  the  United  States,  the  greatness  of  nations  is 


118     LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

measured  by  the  conquests  obtained  by  individual  and 
collective  efforts,  thereby  creating  the  fruitful  and  happy 
reign  of  truth,  of  justice,  of  labor,  and  of  peace. 

War  was  formerly  a  glory;  nowadays  it  is  a  calamity. 
Later  on  it  will  be  condemned  as  the  sad  ancestral  remains 
of  barbarism  and  savagery. 

The  evolution  of  ideas  is  that  which  now  rules  the  world; 
and  if  people  do  not  always  comprehend  this  fact  it  is  because 
the  selfish  and  personal  prejudices,  passions,  and  interests 
disturb  and  impair  their  judgment. 

In  modern  progress,  the  regime  of  privilege  and  of  force 
can  no  longer  create  rights  nor  lend  security  for  the  future  or 
the  aggrandizement  of  nations;  and  nowadays  those  individ- 
uals do  not  render  a  service  to  their  native  land  who,  while 
they  sacrifice  permanent  interests,  think  they  can  calculate 
the  meridian  of  their  country  by  the  artificial  reflections  of 
a  moment,  transitory  and  perishable. 

The  regime  of  force  or  of  armed  peace  consumes  the  vital 
forces  and  the  resources  of  nations;  and  then  from  the  abyss 
of  inequality,  of  affliction,  and  danger  produced,  bursts  forth 
once  more  the  social  and  political  problem  demanding,  with 
threats,  the  reform  of  the  evil,  and  laying  down  the  maxim 
that  only  the  ideal  of  justice,  of  liberty,  and  of  human  soli- 
darity can  possibly  stand  forth,  firm  and  unshaken,  amidst 
the  ruins  in  which  the  wild  ideas  of  greatness  held  by  the 
military  powers  of  the  world  will  remain  buried  forever. 

It  is  not  by  means  of  a  regime  of  force,  but  by  that  of 
liberty,  peace,  and  labor,  that  the  United  States  of  America 
has  been  enabled  to  form  a  marvelous  abode  of  vitality  and 
human  progress;  and  its  government,  with  a  perfect  insight 
into  the  greatness  of  that  country  and  of  its  destiny,  today 
addresses  the  present  and  the  future  of  our  world,  and  with 
special  interest  explains  to  America  the  only  paths  that  will 


PERU  119 

lead  the  nations  to  the  attainment  of  tranquillity  and 
well-being. 

Once  that  existence  is  obtained,  you  have  said,  Mr.  Root, 
that  it  is  necessary  to  live  and  advance  worthily  and  honor- 
ably, —  and  that  this  object  cannot  be  attained  by  a  regime 
of  domestic  oppression  and  of  privilege,  nor  by  the  external 
one  of  isolation  or  of  war,  but  by  that  of  liberty,  order, 
justice,  economical  progress,  moral  improvement,  intellectual 
advance,  respect  for  the  rights  of  others,  and  a  feeling  of 
human  solidarity.    You  have  clearly  stated: 

No  nation  can  live  unto  itself  alone  and  continue  to  live.  Each  nation's 
growth  is  a  part  of  the  development  of  the  race.  ...  A  people  whose 
minds  are  not  open  to  the  lessons  of  the  world's  progress,  whose  spirits  are 
not  stirred  by  the  aspirations  and  achievements  of  humanity,  struggling 
the  world  over  for  liberty  and  justice,  must  be  left  behind  by  civilization  in 
its  steady  and  beneficent  advance. 

In  the  life  of  nations  there  must  always  prevail  an  ideal 
and  a  harmony  of  right,  of  liberty,  of  peace,  and  fraternity, 
although  this  can  only  be  obtained  by  persevering  efforts, 
by  sacrifices,  and  by  a  long  and  distressing  march.  It 
is  necessary  to  "  labor  more  for  the  future  than  for  the 
present "  and  unite  together  all  the  nations  engaged  in  the 
same  great  task,  inspired  by  a  like  ideal  and  professing 
similar  principles. 

Peru  has  read  your  words,  Mr.  Root,  with  profound  atten- 
tion. She  is  proud  to  say  that  in  the  modest  sphere  she 
occupies  in  the  concert  of  nations,  she  accepts  your  ideas  as 
her  own,  and  declares  that  they  abo  constitute  her  profession 
of  faith  as  regards  her  international  policy. 

With  your  superior  judgment  you  have  exactly  compre- 
hended the  difficulties,  critical  moments,  and  convulsions 
which  the  countries  of  this  continent  have  undergone  in  order 
to   establish  a  republican   government,   together   with   a 


120     LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

regime  of  liberty  and  democracy.  They  are  still  in  the  first 
period  of  their  development  and  have  yet  many  problems 
to  solve. 

To  develop  the  immense  resources  and  wealth  with  which 
nature  has  so  wonderfully  endowed  these  countries;  to 
render  their  territory  accessible  to  labor  and  civilization  by 
opening  up  means  of  communication,  granting  all  facilities 
and  giving  security  for  the  life,  health,  and  welfare  of  their 
inhabitants;  to  obtain  the  population  which  their  immense 
territories  require:  to  educate  and  instruct  the  people,  mak- 
ing them  understand  their  liberty,  their  duties,  and  their 
rights;  to  develop  their  faculties  and  energies,  their  labor 
forces,  their  industrial  and  commercial  capacity  and  power; 
to  elevate  their  moral  dignity;  to  consolidate  and  strengthen 
the  national  unity;  to  insure  definitely  the  government  of 
the  people,  in  justice,  in  order,  and  in  peace;  to  attract 
capital  and  foreign  immigration;  to  develop  and  give  impulse 
to  commercial  relations  with  other  countries;  to  maintain  a 
frank  and  true  international  harmony  and  solidarity;  to 
respect  all  mutual  and  reciprocal  rights  and  settle  all  dis- 
agreements by  friendly,  just,  and  honorable  means  —  to 
perform,  in  short,  the  work  of  human  civilization;  these  are 
undoubtedly  the  points  which  ought  to  occupy,  first  of  all, 
the  thoughts  of  the  administration  of  these  countries,  in  order 
to  secure  their  tranquillity,  their  welfare,  and  their  aggran- 
dizement, just  as  the  United  States  have  secured  theirs  by 
the  genius  of  their  people  and  the  power  of  their  ideals. 

If  the  nations  of  America,  instead  of  living  apart  from  each 
other  and  separated  by  distrust,  threats,  and  quarrels  — 
which  unsettle  them,  rendering  their  energy  and  develop- 
ment fruitless,  just  as  they  have  kept  up  a  state  of  anarchy, 
for  a  long  time,  in  their  internal  existence  —  would  unite 
themselves  together  by  the  natural  ties  which  the  community 
of  their  origin,  of  their  civilization,  of  their  necessities,  and 


PERU  121 

their  destinies  clearly  indicate,  we  should  then  witness  the 
realization  of  the  ideal  you  have  conceived  of  a  great,  pros- 
perous, and  happy  America;  the  union  of  sister  republics, 
free,  orderly,  laborious,  lovers  of  justice,  knowledge,  sciences, 
and  arts,  cooperating,  each  one  and  all  of  them  worthily  and 
effectively,  for  the  realization  of  the  great  work  of  human 
civilization  and  culture. 

The  standard  and  observance  of  justice  should  bring  about 
the  definite  disappearance  of  the  disagreements  which  may 
have  caused  separation  among  the  South  American  countries, 
just  as  family  quarrels  are  effaced  on  the  exhibition  of  a  just 
and  generous  sentiment  of  sincere  brotherhood  and  har- 
mony which  vibrates  throughout  this  continent  as  an  intense 
aspiration  of  the  American  soul,  and  as  a  noble  ideal  of 
concord  and  of  justice. 

It  is  never  too  late  to  recognize  what  is  right  and  to  proceed 
with  rectitude.  My  memory  suggests  an  important  event 
some  few  years  back  in  the  history  of  the  relations  between 
Peru  and  the  United  States,  described  most  correctly  by  the 
representative  of  your  government  as  one  of  those  most 
worthy  of  note  in  the  annals  of  diplomacy.  I  refer  to  the 
serious  question  which  arose  in  1852  between  our  respective 
countries  relative  to  the  Lobos  guano  islands,  when  the 
United  States  held  that  they  did  not  belong  to  the  territory 
and  sovereignty  of  Peru,  and  that  as  they  had  been  occupied 
by  American  citizens  your  country  would  uphold  these 
parties  in  the  work  of  exploitation;  but  as  soon  as  the  Gov- 
ernment of  the  United  States,  after  a  lengthened  and  lively 
controversy,  became  convinced  of  the  right  which  Peru  had 
on  her  side,  it  at  once  spontaneously  put  an  end  to  the  ques- 
tion by  a  memorable  note  of  its  Secretary  of  State,  recogniz- 
ing the  absolute  sovereignty  of  Peru  over  those  islands  and 
declaring  that  "  he  makes  this  avowal  with  the  greater 
readiness,  in  consequence  of  the  unintentional  injustice  done 


122     LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

to  Peru,  under  a  transient  want  of  information  as  to  the  facts 
of  the  case."  * 

When  powerful  nations,  laying  aside  the  instruments  of 
oppression  and  violence  which  they  have  in  their  hands,  rise 
to  such  a  height  of  moral  elevation,  universal  respect  and 
sympathy  will  form  the  unfading  halo  of  their  grandeur. 

And  thus  it  happened  with  the  United  States  of  America; 
and  Peru  has  now  the  honor  once  more  to  express  its  thanks 
for  the  generous  friendship  and  constant  interest  with  which 
the  United  States  have  always  paid  attention  to  everything 
affecting  the  welfare  and  progress  of  our  country. 

Peru,  which  is  the  depositary  of  the  secrets  of  wondrous 
and  unknown  civilizations;  which  possesses  great  historical 
traditions;  which  was  long  ago  the  metropolis  of  this  con- 
tinent, and  then  a  Spanish  colony;  which  has  an  enormous 
extent  of  territory,  with  the  most  varied  and  wonderful 
climates  and  wealth;  after  grievous  domestic  and  foreign 
vicissitudes,  has  firmly  taken  in  hand  the  great  work  of  its 
reorganization;  has  acquired  the  knowledge  of  its  public 
and  private  duties;  has  given  vigor  to  its  character  and  to  its 
spirit  of  enterprise;  has  founded  industries  and  labor  centers; 
has  fostered  agriculture,  mining,  and  commerce;  is  using 
every  effort  to  foster  public  instruction,  increasing  the  num- 
ber of  schools  throughout  the  country  and  giving  civic 
education  to  its  children;  constructing  railroads  and  public 
works  of  national  and  future  interest;  opening  the  minds 
and  intelligence  of  its  people  to  the  currents  of  culture  and 
modern  progress,  and  endeavoring  to  establish  a  solid  and 
well-directed  public  administration;  her  fiscal  revenues,  her 
trade,  and  the  general  capitalization  of  fortunes  have 
reached  in  a  few  years  an  extraordinary  development  which 
demonstrates  the  potentiality  of  the  country.  Enjoying 
public  peace,  she  is  using  every  effort  to  maintain  a  policy  of 

1  Mr.  Everett  to  Senor  Osma,  November  16,  1852. 


PERU  123 

frank  understanding  and  friendship  with  all  nations,  and 
sustains  the  principle  of  arbitration  for  the  solution  of  all  her 
international  controversies,  thus  giving  evident  proof  of  the 
rectitude  of  her  sentiments,  and  that  the  only  settlements 
which  she  defends  and  to  which  she  aspires  are  the  honorable 
settlements  dictated  by  right. 

These  ideas  are  likewise  yours,  Mr.  Root.  And  I  invite 
you,  gentlemen,  to  unite  with  us  in  expressing  the  hope  that 
the  principles  proclaimed  by  our  enlightened  guest,  to  whom 
we  today  offer  the  homage  of  our  respect  and  sympathy,  may 
everlastingly  rule  in  America. 

Reply  of  Mr.  Root 

I  SHOULD  be  insensible,  indeed,  were  I  not  to  feel  deeply 
grateful  for  your  courtesy,  your  hospitality,  and  your  kind- 
ness; nor  can  I  fail  to  be  gratified  by  the  words  of  praise 
which  you,  Mr.  Minister,  have  spoken  of  my  beloved  coun- 
try, and  by  the  hearty  and  unreserved  approval  with  which 
you  have  met  my  inadequate  expression  of  the  sentiments 
the  people  of  my  country  feel  toward  their  sister  repubUcs  of 
South  America.  The  words  which  you  have  quoted,  sir,  do 
represent  the  feelings  of  the  people  of  the  United  States.  We 
are  very  far  from  living  up  to  the  standards  which  we  set  for 
ourselves,  and  we  know  our  own  omissions,  our  failings,  and 
our  errors;  we  know  them,  we  deplore  them,  and  we  are  con- 
stantly and  laboriously  seeking  to  remedy  them;  but  we  do 
have  imdemeath  as  the  firm  foundation  of  constitutional 
freedom,  the  sentiments  which  were  expressed  in  the  quo- 
tations which  you  have  made. 

No  government  in  the  United  States  coidd  maintain  itself 
for  a  moment  if  it  violated  those  principles;  no  act  of  unjust 
aggression  by  the  United  States  against  any  smaller  and 
weaker  power  would  be  forgiven  by  the  people  to  whom  the 
government  is  responsible. 


124     LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

Mr.  Minister,  my  Journey  in  South  America  is  drawing  to  a 
close.  After  many  weeks  of  association  with  the  distinguished 
men  who  control  the  affairs  of  the  South  American  republics, 
after  much  observation  of  the  widely  different  countries  I 
have  visited,  it  is  with  the  greatest  satisfaction  that  I  find,  in 
reviewing  the  new  records  of  my  mind,  that  the  impressions 
with  which  I  came  to  South  America  have  been  confirmed  — 
the  impression  that  there  is  a  new  day  dawning,  a  new  day 
of  industry,  of  enterprise,  of  prosperity,  of  wider  liberty,  of 
more  perfect  justice  among  the  people  of  the  southern  con- 
tinent. 

I  find  that  the  difference  between  the  South  America  of 
today  and  the  South  America  as  the  records  show  it  to  have 
been  a  generation  ago,  is  as  wide  as  the  difference  marked  by 
centuries  in  the  history  of  Europe.  Why  is  it  ?  You  are  the 
same  people  —  not  so  much  better  than  your  fathers.  The 
same  fields  offered  to  the  hand  of  the  husbandman  their 
bounteous  harvests  then  as  now;  the  same  incalculable  wealth 
slept  in  your  mountains  then  as  now;  the  same  streams  car- 
ried down  from  your  mountain  sides  the  immeasurable 
power  ready  to  the  hand  of  man  for  the  production  of  wealth 
then  as  now;  the  same  ocean  washed  your  shores  ready  to 
bear  the  commerce  of  the  world  then  as  now.  Whence  comes 
the  change  ?  The  change  is  not  in  material  things,  but  in 
spiritual  things.  The  change  has  come  because  in  the  slow 
but  majestic  progress  of  national  development,  the  peoples  of 
South  America  have  been  passing  through  a  period  of  prog- 
ress necessary  to  their  development,  necessary  to  the  build- 
ing of  their  characters,  up  from  a  stage  of  strife  and  discord, 
of  individual  selfishness,  of  unrestrained  ambition,  of  irre- 
sponsible power,  and  out  upon  the  broad  platform  of  love  for 
country,  of  national  spirit,  of  devotion  to  the  ideal  of  justice, 
of  ordered  liberty,  of  respect  for  the  rights  of  others;  because 
the  individual  characters  of  the  peoples  of  the  South  Ameri- 


PERU  125 

can  republics  have  been  developed  to  that  self-control,  to 
that  respect  for  justice  toward  their  fellowmen,  to  that 
regard  for  the  rights  and  feelings  of  others  which  inhere  in 
true  justice.  The  development  of  individual  character  has 
made  the  collective  character  competent  for  self-government 
and  the  maintenance  of  that  justice,  that  ordered  liberty, 
which  gives  security  to  property,  security  to  the  fruits  of 
enterprise,  security  to  personal  liberty,  to  the  pursuit  of 
happiness,  to  the  home,  to  all  that  makes  life  worth  living; 
and  under  the  fostering  care  of  that  character,  individual  and 
national,  the  hidden  wealth  of  the  mountains  is  being  poured 
out  to  enrich  mankind;  under  the  fostering  care  of  that  char- 
acter, individual  and  national,  new  life  is  coming  to  the  fields, 
to  the  mines,  to  the  factories,  to  commerce,  to  all  the  material 
interests  of  South  America. 

Mr.  Minister,  this  is  but  a  part  of  a  great  world  movement 
on  a  wider  field.  It  is  no  idle  dream  that  the  world  grows 
better  day  by  day.  We  cannot  mark  its  progress  by  days  or 
by  years  or  by  generations;  but  marking  the  changes  by  the 
centuries  mankind  advances  steadily  from  brute  force,  from 
the  rule  of  selfishness  and  greed  toward  respect  for  human 
rights,  toward  desire  for  human  happiness,  toward  the  rule 
of  law  and  the  rule  of  love  among  men.  My  own  country 
has  become  great  materially  because  it  has  felt  the  influence 
of  that  majestic  progress  of  civilization.  South  America  is 
becoming  great  materially  because  it,  too,  is  feeling  the  influ- 
ence that  is  making  humanity  more  human. 

We  can  do  but  little  in  our  day.  We  live  our  short  lives 
and  pass  away  and  are  forgotten.  All  the  wealth,  prosperity, 
and  luxury  with  which  we  can  surround  ourselves  is  of  but 
little  benefit  and  little  satisfaction;  but  if  we  —  if  you  and  I 
—  in  our  oflBces  and  each  one  of  us  in  his  influence  upon  the 
pubHc  affairs  of  his  day,  can  contribute  ever  so  little,  but 
something,  toward  the  tendency  of  our  countries,  the  ten- 


126     LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

dency  of  our  race,  away  from  greed  and  force  and  selfish- 
ness and  wrong,  toward  the  rule  of  order  and  love  —  if  we 
can  do  somethmg  to  contribute  to  that  tendency  which 
countless  millions  are  working  out,  we  shall  not  have  lived 
in  vain. 

You  were  kind  enough  to  refer  to  an  incident  in  the  diplo- 
matic history  of  the  United  States  and  Peru,  when  my  own 
country  recognized  its  error  in  regard  to  the  Lobos  Islands 
and  returned  them  freely  and  cheerfully  to  their  rightful 
owner.  I  would  rather  have  the  record  of  such  acts  of  justice 
for  my  country's  fair  name  than  the  story  of  any  battle 
fought  and  won  by  her  military  heroes. 

We  cannot  fail  to  ask  ourselves  sometimes  the  question. 
What  will  be  the  end  of  our  civilization  ?  Will  some  future 
generation  say  of  us,  in  the  words  of  the  Persian  poet,  "  The 
lion  and  the  lizard  keep  the  coiu-ts  where  Jamshyd  gloried  and 
,  drank  deep  "  ?  Will  the  palaces  we  build  be  the  problem  of 
the  antiquarians  in  some  future  century  ?  Will  all  that  we  do 
come  to  naught  ?  If  not  —  if  our  civilization  is  not  to  meet 
the  fate  of  all  that  have  gone  before  —  it  will  be  because  we 
have  builded  upon  a  firm  foundation,  a  foundation  of  the 
great  body  of  the  plain,  the  common  people,  and  upon  a  char- 
acter formed  on  the  principles  of  justice,  of  liberty,  and  of 
brotherly  love.  Our  one  hope  for  the  perpetuity  of  our 
civilization  is  that  quality  in  which  it  differs  from  all  civil- 
izations that  have  gone  before  —  its  substantial  basis.  I 
find  that  here  in  Peru  you  are  building  upon  that  firm  rock. 

I  find  that  here  individual  character  is  being  developed  so 
that  the  people  of  Peru  are  collectively  developing  the  neces- 
sary and  essential  national  character. 

I  find  that  the  riches  of  your  wonderful  land  are  in  the 
hands  of  a  people  who  are  worthy  to  enjoy  them. 

I  shall  take  away  with  me  from  Peru  not  only  the  kindest 
feelings  of  friendship  and  of  gratitude  but  the  highest  and 


PERU  127 

most  confident  hope  of  a  great  and  glorious  future  for  the 
people  to  whom  I  wish  so  well. 

Mr.  Minister,  will  you  permit  me  the  honor  of  asking  all 
to  join  me  in  drinking  to  the  health  of  His  Excellency  the 
President  of  Peru  ? 

RECEPTION  AT  THE  MUNICIPAL  COUNCIL 

Speech  of  Doctor  Federico  Elguera 

Mayor  of  Lima 

September  10,  1906  • 

The  citizens  of  Lima  welcome  you  and  are  glad  to  have  you 
amongst  them. 

You  arrive  at  the  capital  of  Peru,  after  visiting  the  leading 
cities  in  South  America  and  receiving  the  greetings  so  justly 
due  the  great  American  nation  and  your  own  personal  merits. 

You  are  an  ambassador  of  peace,  a  messenger  of  good  will, 
and  the  herald  of  doctrines  which  sustain  America's  auton- 
omy and  strengthen  the  faith  in  our  future  welfare. 

The  wake  left  by  the  vessel  which  has  brought  you  hither 
serves  as  a  symbol,  indicating  union,  fraternity,  and  friendship 
between  the  northern  and  southern  states  of  this  continent. 

You  have  been  able  to  form  a  general  opinion  as  to  the 
present  state  of  the  f>olitical,  economical,  and  social  devel- 
opment of  Latin  America.  You  also  know  now  what  her 
resources  are  and  to  what  conditions  the  growth  and  progress 
of  this  southern  continent  are  due. 

After  visiting  prosperous  countries,  whose  peaceful  labor 
on  behalf  of  civilization  has  not  been  disturbed  by  the  sor- 
rows of  war,  you  reach  a  land  where  once  flourished  the 
greatest  empire  which  ever  arose  in  America. 

You  have  arrived  at  the  ancient  metropolis  of  Spanish 
America;  you  are  now  at  the  heart  of  a  nation  which  attracted 
the  world's  attention  in  former  days  on  account  of  its  great- 
ness and  the  treasures  it  possessed  —  a  nation  which  fought 


us    LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

the  final  battles  for  independence;  and,  more  important  than 
all,  a  country  which,  having  been  shaken  and  convulsed  by 
dissension,  has  risen  once  more  to  a  life  of  well-being  through 
a  supreme  effort  of  will  and  a  firm  belief  in  its  future. 

The  Peru  you  are  visiting  is  not  only  the  country  of  olden 
times,  which  tradition  has  made  known  for  its  fabulous 
wealth,  but  it  is  a  modern  country,  versed  in  the  principles  of 
order,  industry,  and  labor. 

Nations  which  live  exclusively  on  the  wealth  given  them 
by  nature  make  no  effort  to  become  greater,  nor  do  they  con- 
sider their  future  welfare,  but  perish,  crushed  by  those  whose 
envy  and  greed  they  excite. 

On  the  other  hand,  those  countries  whose  prosperity  is 
based  on  the  principles  of  justice,  trade,  and  peace  attain 
success  and  incite  others  to  follow,  contributing  thus  to  the 
great  work  of  universal  civilization. 

Unfortunately,  this  peace,  based  on  those  principles,  must 
be  sustained  abroad,  following  the  example  of  the  Old  World, 
by  the  acquisition  of  elements  of  warfare  only  useful  for 
the  destruction  and  ruin  of  men  and  progress,  wasting  the 
national  vitality  and  prosperity,  earned  by  dint  of  the  labors 
of  the  citizens  and  the  products  of  the  resources  that  nature 
has  given. 

To  change  this  system  for  another  which  will  insure  to  our 
nations  the  tranquil  possession  of  what  lawfully  belongs  to 
them,  allowing  them  to  devote  their  efforts  fearlessly  to  their 
own  advancement,  is  the  noble  work  to  which  the  endeavors 
of  the  great  nation  which  has  risen  up  in  the  New  World 
should  be  directed,  just  as  the  sun  rises  in  the  celestial  dome 
to  give  light,  heat,  and  life;  to  maintain  the  equilibrium  and 
prevent  the  collision  of  lesser  stars. 

Such  ideals  of  civilization  and  fraternity  have  always 
guided  the  conduct  of  Peru,  whose  influence  and  predomi- 
nance in  other  times  enabled  her  to  watch  over  justice,  to 


i 


PERU  129 

render  assistance  to  the  weak,  to  fight  oppression,  and  to 
defend  the  rights  of  America. 

For  this  reason  we  heartily  sympathize  with  the  doctrines 
you  proclaim;  for  this  reason  we  extend  to  you,  with  sincere 
regard,  the  hand  of  friendship;  for  this  reason  we  feel  satis- 
faction and  pride  when  we  behold  the  marvelous  progress  of 
your  country. 

When  nations  succeed  in  reaching  the  degree  of  prosperity 
at  which  yours  has  arrived  they  do  not  excite  envy,  but 
emulation;  they  do  not  inspire  fear,  but  confidence. 

Ere  long  the  vigorous  arm  of  your  people  will  tear  away 
the  strip  of  land  which  still  keeps  us  apart;  and  in  the  union 
of  the  two  oceans  surrounding  our  hemisphere  may  we  hope 
that  the  spirits  of  Washington  and  Bolivar  will  watch  the 
maintenance  of  peace  and  justice  and  follow  the  destinies  of 
the  republics  they  created. 

Mr.  Root,  may  the  days  you  are  about  to  spend  amongst  us 
be  happy  and  agreeable,  and  may  their  memory  ever  accom- 
pany you,  as  ours  will  ever  retain  the  grateful  impression  of 

your  visit. 

Reply  op  Mb.  Root 

I  BEG  you  to  believe  that  I  appreciate  most  highly  your  kind 
welcome  and  the  friendly  terms  with  which  you  have  greeted 
me.  I  did  not  feel  as  though  I  were  coming  among  strangers 
when  I  entered  Peru;  I  do  not  feel  that  I  am  treading  on 
unknown  soil  when  I  set  foot  upon  the  streets  of  your  famous 
and  historic  city.  I  think  no  city  in  the  world,  certainly 
no  city  in  the  western  hemisphere,  is  better  known  in  the 
United  States  of  America  then  the  city  of  Lima.  Almost 
every  schoolboy  in  the  United  States  has  read  in  the  books 
of  our  own  historians  the  story  of  the  founding  of  this  city. 
We  all  know  the  wonderful  and  romantic  history  of  your  four 
centuries  of  life;  we  all  know  the  charms,  the  graces,  and  the 
lovable  qualities  of  your  people. 


130     LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

We  know  that  you  are  the  metropohs  of  a  people  who  carry 
the  art  of  agriculture  to  the  highest  degree  of  efficiency,  a 
people  frugal,  industrious,  and  of  domestic  virtue.  We  have 
seen  with  gratification  that  you  are  becoming  also  the  metrop- 
olis of  a  people  capable  of  winning  from  your  mountains  the 
inexhaustible  wealth  they  contain,  the  metropolis  of  a  great 
mining  people;  and  within  the  past  few  years  we  have 
rejoiced  to  see  that  you  are  also  on  the  road  to  become  the 
metropolis  of  a  great  manufacturing  people. 

We  have  read,  too,  the  story  of  your  struggles  —  first  for 
independence,  then  for  liberty,  then  for  justice  and  order  and 
peace;  and  with  the  memory  of  our  own  struggles  for  liberty 
and  justice,  with  the  experience  of  our  own  trials  and  diffi- 
culties, rejoicing  in  our  own  success  and  prosperity,  Mr. 
Mayor,  the  feeling  of  sympathy  and  rejoicing  in  your  success 
in  overcoming  the  obstacles  that  have  stood  in  your  way,  in 
your  growth  in  capacity  for  self-government,  in  the  con- 
tinuing strength  of  all  the  principles  of  justice  and  of  order 
and  of  peace,  is  universal  in  my  country  and  among  my 
people. 

So  I  come  to  you  not  to  make  friends,  but  as  a  friend  among 
friends.  I  thank  you  with  all  my  heart,  both  for  myself  and 
for  my  people,  for  the  kindness  of  your  welcome  and  for  what 
I  know  to  be  the  sincerity  of  your  friendship. 

RECEPTION  BY  THE  SENATE 

Speech  of  Senator  Barrios 

At  an  Extraordinary  Session,  September  13, 1906 

The  Senate  of  Peru,  honored  by  your  official  visit,  greets  you 
as  the  representative  of  a  great  democratic  people,  whose 
juridical  methods,  founded  on  liberty  and  equality,  are  a 
model  for  all  the  American  parliaments. 

I  regard  your  visit  to  our  young  republic  as  one  of  most 
important  and  lasting  effect  in  the  history  of  the  continent. 


PERU  131 

WTien  these  peoples  have  reached  the  power  and  develop- 
ment which  the  United  States  of  America  enjoys;  when  the 
citizens  and  the  public  authorities  keep  within  the  bounds 
imposed  by  the  legitimate  demands  of  liberty  and  justice  and 
the  requirements  of  order  and  progress;  when  all  this  is 
obtained  by  means  of  social  well-being,  of  economic  strength, 
and  the  political  predominance  which  passes  beyond  the 
native  land  —  then  the  legitimate  and  noble  influence 
exercised  on  the  life  of  other  peoples  is  based,  not  on  narrow 
schemes  of  national  egotism,  but  on  the  broad  and  humane 
qualities  of  civilization. 

This  your  government  has  understood  in  sending  a  full 
representation  to  these  republics,  in  harmony  with  the  Ameri- 
can idea  of  union  and  progress,  which  the  illustrious  states- 
man who  today  presides  over  the  glorious  destinies  of  the 
American  people  —  to  the  admiration  and  respect  of  all — 
expounds  and  accomplishes  by  his  thoughtful  work. 

In  the  dawn  of  the  twentieth  century  may  be  seen  in  this 
part  of  the  world  communities  of  peoples  who,  with  analogous 
institutions,  must  fulfill  in  history  a  single  and  great  destiny. 
This  part  which  the  future  reserves  for  us  cannot  be  other 
than  an  effective  and  true  realization  of  democracy  at  home 
and  of  justice  in  international  affairs. 

Such  is  the  direction  in  which  Peru  is  developing  her 
energies,  after  her  past  and  now  remote  vicissitudes.  Such 
is  the  ideal  that  animates  her  in  pinrsuing  her  efforts  for 
reconstruction,  because  a  people  without  an  aim  in  the 
struggle  are  unworthy  of  victory.  "It  is  no  more  than  a 
scratch  on  the  ground  ",  using  the  words  of  your  illustrious 
President. 

As  the  principal  co-worker  for  the  exalted  international 
policy  of  the  present  government  of  the  United  States, 
receive,  Mr.  Root,  the  assurances  of  the  highest  consideration 
and  sympathy  of  the  Peruvian  Senate. 


132     LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

Reply  of  Mr.  Root 

I  FEEL  most  keenly  the  great  honor  conferred  upon  me  by 
this  distinguished  legislative  body.  I  thank  you  for  your 
courtesy  personally;  still  more  I  thank  you  for  the  exhibition 
of  friendship  and  sympathy  for  my  country,  —  an  exhibition 
which  corresponds  most  perfectly  to  the  spirit  and  purpose 
actuating  my  visit  to  Peru. 

I  do  not  think,  sir,  that  any  one  long  concerned  in  govern- 
ment can  fail  to  come  at  last  to  a  feeling  of  deep  solicitude  for 
the  weKare  of  the  people  whom  he  serves.  He  must  come  to 
feel  toward  them  somewhat  as  the  lawyer  does  toward  his 
clients,  as  the  physician  feels  toward  his  patients,  as  the 
clergyman  feels  toward  his  parishioners  —  the  advocate, 
the  friend  of  the  people  whose  interests  are  committed  to  his 
official  action;  and,  as  a  member  of  the  government  of  a 
friendly  republic,  I  feel  toward  you  that  sympathy  which 
comes  from  a  common  purpose,  from  engagement  in  the  same 
task,  from  being  actuated  by  the  same  motive.  The  work  of 
the  legislator  is  difficult  and  delicate.  Governments  cannot 
make  wealth;  governments  cannot  produce  enterprise,  indus- 
try, or  prosperity;  but  wise  government  can  give  that  security 
for  property,  for  the  fruits  of  enterprise,  for  personal  liberty, 
for  justice,  which  opens  the  door  to  enterprise,  which  stimu- 
lates industry  and  commercial  activity,  which  brings  capital 
and  immigration  to  the  shores  of  the  country  that  is  but 
scantily  populated;  and  which  makes  it  worth  while  for 
the  greatest  exertions  of  the  human  mind  to  be  applied  to  the 
development  of  the  resources  of  the  country.  How  difficult 
is  the  task!  As  the  engineer  controlling  a  great  and  compli- 
cated machine  does  not  himself  furnish  the  motive  power  or 
do  the  work,  yet  by  a  wrong  turn  of  the  lever  may  send  the 
machine  to  ruin;  so  the  legislative  body  cannot  itself  do  the 
work  that  the  people  must  do,  yet  by  ill-advised,  inconsid- 


PERU  133 

erate,  and  unwise  legislation,  it  may  produce  incalculable 
misery  and  ruin.  The  wisdom  that  is  necessary,  the  unselfish- 
ness that  is  necessary,  the  subordination  of  personal  and 
selfish  interests  that  is  necessary,  has  always  seemed  to  me 
to  consecrate  a  legislative  body  seeking  to  do  its  duty  by  its 
country  and  make  it  worthy  not  only  of  respect  but  of 
reverence. 

Mr.  President  and  Senators,  in  your  deliberations  and  your 
actions,  so  fraught  with  results  of  happiness  or  disaster  for  the 
people  of  your  beloved  country,  we  of  the  North,  the  people 
of  a  repubhc  long  bound  to  Peru  by  ties  of  real  and  sincere 
friendship,  follow  you  with  sympathy;  with  earnest,  sincere 
desire  that  you  may  be  guided  by  wisdom;  that  you  may 
work  in  simplicity  and  sincerity  of  heart  for  the  good  of  your 
people;  and  that  your  labors  may  be  crowned  by  those  bless- 
ings which  God  gives  to  those  who  serve  His  children  faith- 
fully and  well. 

INSTALLATION   OF   MR.    ROOT   AS   A    MEMBER   OF   THE 

FACULTY  OF  POUTIC.VL  AND  ADMINISTRATIVE  SCIENCES 

OF  THE  UNIVERSITY  OF  SAN  MARCOS,  LIMA 

SEPTEMBER  14,  1906 

Speech  of  Doctor  Luis  F.  Villaran 
RxcTOB  or  THK  Unxterbitt 

The  University  of  San  Marcos  of  Lima  heartily  shares  in  the 
national  rejoicing  consequent  on  your  visit  to  us,  and  greets 
you  as  the  representative  of  the  great  republic  which  holds 
so  many  claims  to  the  high  esteem  and  consideration  of  the 
Spanish-American  states  of  this  continent. 

Your  country,  indeed,  furnished  valuable  cooperation  to 
the  Spanish  colonies  in  the  establishment  of  their  indepen- 
dence. With  the  example  of  your  own  emancipation,  forming 
one  of  the  greatest  events  of  history,  the  longing  for  liberty 
deepened  in  their  breasts.  It  gave  them  courage  in  the 
struggle  by  frank  declarations  of  friendship  and  sympathy; 


134     LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

bestowed  prestige  on  their  cause  by  recognizing  them  as  free 
states  at  a  time  when  their  emancipation  was  not  entirely 
accompHshed;  and  finally  added  strength  to  their  victory  by 
declaring  before  the  whole  world  that  the  independence  and 
integrity  of  these  republics  would  be  maintained  at  all  costs. 

You,  the  Americans  of  the  North,  were  the  founders  and 
defenders  of  the  international  and  political  liberty  of  these 
states.  Washington,  whose  greatness  has  alone  been  given 
worthy  expression  in  the  inspired  words  of  Byron  —  Wash- 
ington, "  the  first,  the  last,  the  best  of  men*',  and  the  glorious 
group  of  illustrious  citizens  who  aided  him  in  his  work,  were 
the  apostles  of  democracy  and  of  the  republic.  The  American 
Constitution  is  an  admirable  structure,  built  on  the  immov- 
able foundations  of  justice  and  the  national  will,  which  will 
never  be  overthrown  by  social  or  political  upheavals. 

Half  a  century  ago,  Laboulaye,  the  illustrious  professor  of 
the  College  of  France,  said: 

Washington  has  founded  a  wise  and  well-organized  republic  and  has 
bequeathed  to  history,  not  the  fatal  spectacle  of  crime  triumphant,  but 
a  beneficent  example  of  patriotism  and  virtue.  In  less  than  fifty  years, 
thanks  to  the  powerful  influence  of  Liberty,  an  empire  has  been  raised 
which  before  the  end  of  the  century  will  be  the  greatest  state  of  the  civilized 
world,  and  which,  if  it  remain  true  to  the  ideals  of  its  founders,  if  ambition 
does  not  check  the  era  of  its  fortune,  will  furnish  the  world  the  spectacle  of 
a  republic  of  one  hundred  million  men,  richer,  happier,  and  more  glorious 
than  the  monarchies  of  the  Old  World.    This  is  the  work  of  Washington! 

This  prophecy  has  been  fulfilled;  that  half-century  has 
passed  by,  and  the  great  republic  goes  on  its  career  of 
greatness,  and  no  eye  can  discern  the  ultimate  reach  of  its 
magnificence. 

Today,  with  the  kind  name  of  sister,  it  sends  to  us,  through 
you,  its  worthy  messenger,  fresh  words  of  encouragement, 
and  invites  us  in  a  gracious  manner  to  exert  ourselves  to 
greater  efforts  in  the  work  of  peace,  of  labor,  and  of  the 
aggrandizement  of  the  American  continent. 


PERU  135 

You  tell  us  that  — 

Nowhere  in  the  world  has  this  progress  been  more  marked  than  in  Latin 
America.  Out  of  the  wrack  of  Indian  fighting  and  race  conflicts  and  civil 
wars,  strong  and  stable  governments  have  arisen.  Peaceful  succession  in 
accord  with  the  people's  will  has  replaced  the  forcible  seizure  of  power 
permitted  by  the  people's  indifference.  Loyalty  to  country,  its  peace,  its 
dignity,  its  honor,  has  arisen  above  partizanship  for  individual  leaders. 

You  add: 

We  wish  to  increase  our  prosperity,  to  expand  our  trade,  to  grow  in 
wealth,  in  wisdom,  and  in  spirit,  but  our  conception  of  the  true  way  to 
accomplish  this  is  not  to  pull  down  others  and  profit  by  their  ruin,  but  to 
help  all  friends  to  a  conmion  prosperity  and  a  common  growth,  that  we 
may  all  become  greater  and  stronger  together. 

The  University  of  Lima,  an  imjjortant  factor  in  our 
national  life,  accepts  on  its  part,  and  in  harmony  with  public 
thought,  your  noble  invitation. 

This  University,  the  distinguished  creation  of  the  great 
Spanish  monarchs,  proud  of  its  noble  lineage  of  five  cen- 
turies, jealous  of  its  glories,  believes  it  to  be  its  duty  and 
considers  it  a  special  honor  to  offer  you,  the  illustrious  mes- 
senger, the  deep  thinker,  and  the  highest  co-worker  in  the 
government  of  Theodore  Roosevelt,  the  peacemaker  of  the 
world,  a  post  of  honor. 

The  Faculty  of  Political  and  Administrative  Sciences, 
founded  thirty  years  ago  by  the  distinguished  President 
Manuel  Pardo,  and  organized  by  the  eminent  public  writer 
Pradier  Fod6r^  —  this  Faculty,  which  professes,  without 
limitations,  the  doctrines  of  international  and  political  law 
as  proclaimed  in  your  country,  is  the  one  which  with  just 
right  offers  you  this  University  emblem,  which  I  am  pleased 
to  place  in  the  hands  of  Your  Excellency  [addressing  the 
President  of  Peru,  and  handing  him  the  medal  of  the  Uni- 
versity] that  you  may  kindly  deliver  it  to  our  illustrious 
guest. 


136     LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

Speech  of  Doctor  Ramon  Ribeyro 

DEiLN  OP  THE  Faculty  of  Political  and  Administrattve  Sciences 

September  14, 1906 

The  presence  among  us  of  the  eminent  statesman,  the  Secre- 
tary of  State  of  the  United  States,  is  indeed  of  great  signifi- 
cance and  surpassing  importance  in  the  course  of  our  poHtical 
Hfe,  as  a  singular  and  unmistakable  token  of  friendship 
offered  by  that  powerful  republic,  and  as  a  generous  effort  to 
create  between  the  nations  of  America  a  stable  regime  of  true 
understanding  and  concord. 

This  work  of  peace,  which  is  linked  with  an  unvarying 
respect  for  the  rights  of  all  without  regard  to  the  extent  of 
their  power,  with  the  close  union  of  their  interests,  and  with 
a  political  unity  of  purpose  which  springs  from  the  historical 
origin  of  the  repubUcs  of  America  and  the  analogy  of  their 
institutions,  is  outlined  in  a  masterly  manner  in  the  address 
which  our  illustrious  guest  recently  dehvered  before  the 
congress  of  American  delegates  convened  at  Rio  de  Janeiro. 

The  general  idea  he  has  expressed  therein  of  the  principles 
of  democratic  regime,  of  its  severe  trials  and  accidental  mis- 
takes, of  the  virtues  which  sustain  popular  government,  and 
of  the  pubHc  education  that  must  prepare  and  secure  it, 
reveals  to  us  the  secret  of  the  prosperity  and  welfare  of  the 
freest  and  most  flourishing  republic  that  has  ever  existed, 
and  how  it  has  reached  the  preponderant  rank  it  now 
occupies  among  nations. 

The  noble  purpose  of  our  powerful  sister  of  the  North, 
who  with  a  persevering  and  ever  steadfast  persistency 
presses  on,  is  the  endeavor  to  combine  continental  interests 
lacking  sufficient  cohesion,  and  to  promote  their  common 
development,  thus  seeking  to  reach  "  the  complete  rule  of 
justice  and  peace  among  nations  in  lieu  of  force  and  war." 


PERU  137 

These  words  of  Mr.  Root  contain,  in  their  severe  sim- 
plicity, a  complete  statement  of  his  mission  of  friendship 
and  advice.  He  seeks  to  stimulate  the  common  aim  of  har- 
monizing the  several  interests  on  a  permanent  basis  upon 
which  is  to  be  estabhshed  the  uniform  rule  of  our  common 
existence,  the  rule  of  justice  never  subservient  to  private 
and  selfish  convenience;  a  barrier  against  the  arbitrary  and 
brutal  decisions  of  force,  nearly  always  dissembled  under 
plausible  forms  and  motives  of  international  tradition. 

There  exists  a  fundamental  sentiment  which  opposes  the 
cumulus  of  violence  and  usurpation,  which  in  a  great  degree 
constitutes  historic  international  law  and  corrects  the 
deductions  made  from  purely  speculative  theories,  —  a  senti- 
ment we  accept  without  demur,  and  which  is  asserted  like 
the  axioms  that  serve  as  the  basis  and  foundation  of  all 
reasoning  and  as  a  rule  inspiring  human  actions. 

This  concept  is  that  of  a  law  of  coexistence,  an  intuition  of 
the  universal  conscience,  which  all  human  society  upholds  by 
reason  of  the  sole  fact  of  its  existence. 

But  the  completely  empiric  and  egotistical  manner  in 
which  nations  have  understood  and  applied  the  right  of 
sovereign  independence  in  their  outward  dealings,  has,  up  to 
the  present  time,  been  the  almost  insup>erable  obstacle  to  the 
universal  establishment  of  a  rule  of  justice  which  governs, 
in  a  permanent  and  uniform  manner,  the  concourse  of 
interests;  each  state  following  one  of  its  own  modeling,  in 
accordance  with  the  power  it  holds  and  the  ambitions  it  is 
thereby  enabled  to  pursue. 

This  tendency,  whether  open  or  covert,  hardly  restrained 
by  the  formalities  of  modem  civilization,  which  seldom  suc- 
ceeds in  masking  the  painful  reality,  has  created  the  singular 
spectacle  witnessed  at  the  present  time,  —  that  is,  the  unde- 
fined aggravation  of  a  military  situation  which  absorbs  the 


138    LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

greater  part  of  the  resources  of  nations,  wrung  from  the  labor 
of  humanity. 

The  constant  fear  of  armed  aggression  has  brought  about 
political  alliances  of  a  purely  transitory  character,  which 
assure  nothing  and,  in  truth,  mean  nothing  but  the  mutual 
imputation  of  violence  and  outrage,  unhappily  but  too  well 
demonstrated  as  justifiable  motives  for  apprehension,  by 
reason  of  the  ominous  antecedents  of  an  international  regime 
founded  on  the  supremacy  of  power. 

This  precarious  guaranty,  the  fruit  of  an  unsteady  and 
purely  political  combination  which  may  undergo  the  most 
unexpected  alterations,  cannot  assure  a  stable  situation, 
because  it  is  not  in  itself  the  constitution  of  a  common, 
strong,  and  commanding  law;  but,  on  the  contrary,  is  the 
distrust  of  the  efficacy  of  the  latter  and  a  certain  traditional 
disdain  for  a  humane  and  peaceful  solution  of  international 
affairs. 

When  the  anxiety  of  danger  or  an  unforeseen  obstacle  does 
not  prevent  recourse  to  arms,  war  breaks  out  if  the  motive  is 
simply  the  securing  of  an  advantage  sustained  by  a  military 
power  which  the  country  chosen  as  the  object  of  aggression 
cannot  forcibly  check. 

True  it  is  that  at  the  present  time  wars  are  less  frequent 
and  more  humane  in  the  manner  they  are  conducted  than 
heretofore;  but  their  causes  are  ever  the  same,  and  the  inter- 
vals between  them  are  only  due  to  the  increasing  number  of 
military  powers,  and  to  the  fear  of  consequent  complications 
of  political  interests  which  it  is  hazardous  to  provoke. 

Treaties  of  peace  since  the  seventeenth  century,  which 
recorded  the  birth  of  the  modern  law  of  nations,  have  on  some 
occasions  passed  through  real  transformation  in  obedience 
to  the  law  of  evolution  of  human  societies,  which  favor 
equilibrium,  not  as  established  by  frail  or  artificial  alliances, 
nor  by  combinations  of  the  powerful,  but  by  its  ethnical 


PERU  139 

factors  and  the  amplitude  of  the  national  life  based  primarily 
on  the  progress  of  its  institutions,  in  the  ever-increasing 
intervention  of  the  people  in  their  own  affairs  and  the  reality 
and  soimdness  of  its  political  and  civil  liberty. 

The  definite  establishment  of  an  international  juridical 
organ,  sufficiently  authorized  and  efficacious  in  its  action,  is 
yet  a  future  event.  Law  in  this  respect  has  not  as  yet  gone 
beyond  the  limits  of  a  sphere  that  is  at  most  one  of  pure 
speculation,  —  a  worthy  ideal,  it  is  true,  but  one  which  in 
actuality  has  only  succeeded  in  modifying  the  forms  of 
violence  by  recording  in  the  customary  code  of  nations  a  few 
rules  to  lessen  the  brutality  of  the  action,  without  eliminating 
the  arbitrariness  inherent  in  the  sovereignty  of  arms. 

In  the  work  of  common  security  and  prosperity  that 
involves  the  future  of  this  continent,  and  once  carried  into 
effect,  will  signalize  the  most  effective  advance  in  the  law  of 
nations,  a  prominent  part  belongs  to  the  great  republic  that 
has  staked  her  power  and  fortune  on  peace.  In  this  work  we 
have  endeavored  to  cooperate  in  good  faith  and  without 
reserve,  and  in  it,  also,  the  ardent  sympathy  and  the  bound- 
less confidence  of  the  Peruvian  people  will  follow. 

And  since  the  unmerited  honor  has  fallen  to  my  lot  to 
address  myself  on  this  memorable  occasion  to  the  distin- 
guished p>ersonage,  to  the  high  dignitary  of  the  nation  which 
represents  the  greatest  intensity  of  national  life  on  account 
of  the  unrestricted  development  of  the  human  faculties  and 
the  most  certain  and  practical  evolution  of  law  among 
nations,  I  believe  that  I  interpret  the  unanimous  sentiment 
of  my  colleagues  and  of  my  country,  in  furnishing  him  the 
complete  evidence  of  our  cordial  adherence  and  of  our  faith 
in  the  work  intrusted  to  his  talents  and  to  his  high  character. 


140     LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

Reply  of  Mr.  Root 

I  AM  deeply  sensible  of  the  great  honor  which  you  confer 
upon  me,  an  honor  coming  from  this  primate  of  the  universi- 
ties of  the  New  World;  an  honor  which  receives  me  into  the 
company  of  men  learned,  devoted  to  science,  the  disciples  of 
truth,  men  eminent  in  the  republic  of  letters.  I  am  the  more 
appreciative  of  this  emblem  because  I  am  myself  the  son  of  a 
college  professor,  bom  within  the  precincts  of  a  learned  insti- 
tution, and  all  my  life  closely  associated  with  higher  educa- 
tion in  the  United  States  of  America.  But  I  realize,  sir,  that 
my  personality  plays  no  considerable  part  in  the  ceremony  of 
today.  Happy  is  he  who  comes,  by  whatever  chance,  to 
stand  as  the  representative  of  a  great  cause;  as  the  repre- 
sentative of  ideas  which  conciliate  the  feelings  and  arouse  the 
enthusiasm  of  men;  for  the  cause  sheds  light  upon  his  person, 
however  small,  and  the  honor  of  his  purpose  reflects  honor  on 
him. 

With  the  greatest  satisfaction  I  have  heard  from  the  lips  of 
the  learned  rector  and  professor  of  this  university  so  just  and 
high  an  estimate  of  the  contributions  made  by  my  country  to 
the  cause  of  ordered  liberty  and  justice  in  the  world.  I  feel 
that  what  has  been  said  here  today  is  of  far  greater  weight 
than  any  ordinary  compliment,  because  it  comes  from  men 
who  speak  under  the  grave  responsibility  of  their  high  station 
as  instructors  of  their  countrymen,  and  after  deliberate 
study,  resulting  in  definite  and  certain  conclusions. 

It  is  a  matter  of  most  interesting  reflection  that  after  the 
nations  of  the  Old  World,  from  which  we  took  our  being,  had 
sought  for  many  years  to  gain  wealth  and  strength  and  profit 
by  the  enforcement  of  a  narrow  and  mistaken  colonial  policy, 
the  revolt  of  the  colonies  of  the  New  World  brought  to  the 
mother  nations  infinitely  greater  blessings  even  than  they 
were  seeking.    The  reflex  action  of  the  working  of  the  spirit 


PERU  141 

of  freedom  on  these  shores  of  the  new  hemisphere  upon  the 
welfare  of  the  countless  millions  of  the  Old  World,  has  been  of 
a  value  incalculable  and  inconceivable  to  the  minds  against 
whose  mistaken  policy  we  revolted. 

I  have  always  thought,  sir,  that  the  chief  contribution  of 
the  United  States  of  America  to  political  science,  was  the 
device  of  incorporating  in  written  constitutions  an  expression 
of  the  great  principles  which  underUe  human  freedom  and 
human  justice,  and  putting  it  in  the  power  of  the  judicial 
branch  of  the  government  to  pass  judgment  upon  the  con- 
formity of  political  action  to  those  principles. 

When  in  the  fullness  of  time  the  hour  had  come  for  the  new 
experiment  in  government  among  men,  and  it  was  the  fate  of 
the  young  and  feeble  colonies  upon  the  coast  of  the  North 
Atlantic  to  make  the  experiment,  the  Old  World  was  full  of 
the  most  dismal  forebodings  as  to  the  result.  The  world  was 
told  that  the  experiment  of  democratic  government  meant 
the  rule  of  the  mob;  that  it  might  work  well  today,  but  that 
tomorrow  the  mob  which  had  had  but  half  a  breakfast  and 
could  expect  no  dinner,  would  take  control;  and  that  the 
tyranny  of  the  mob  was  worse  than  the  tyranny  of  any 
individual. 

The  provisions  of  our  constitutions  guard  against  the 
tyranny  of  the  mob,  for  at  the  time  when  men  can  deal  in 
harmony  with  the  principles  of  justice,  when  no  selfish  motive 
exists,  when  no  excited  passions  exist,  the  constitution 
declares  the  great  principles  of  justice  —  that  no  man  shall  be 
deprived  of  his  property  without  due  process  of  the  law; 
that  private  property  shall  not  be  taken  for  public  use  with- 
out just  compensation;  that  a  person  accused  of  crime  shall 
be  entitled  to  be  informed  of  the  charge  against  him,  and 
given  opportunity  to  defend  himself.  These  provisions  are 
essential  to  the  preservation  of  liberty;  and  in  the  hands  of 
judicial  power  rests  the  prerogative  of  declaring  that  when- 


142     LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

ever  a  congress,  or  a  president,  or  a  general,  or  whatever 
officer  of  whatever  rank  or  dignity  infringes,  by  a  hair's 
breadth,  upon  any  one  of  these  great  impersonal  declarations 
of  human  rights,  his  acts  cease  to  have  official  effect.  The 
substitution  of  the  divine  quality  of  judgment,  of  the  judicial 
quality  in  man,  that  quality  which  is  bound  by  all  that  honor, 
by  all  that  respect  for  human  rights,  by  all  that  self-respect 
can  accomplish,  to  lay  aside  all  fear  or  favor  and  decide 
justly  —  the  substitution  of  that  quality  for  the  fevered 
passions  of  the  hour,  for  political  favor  and  political  hope,  for 
political  ambition,  for  personal  seffishness  and  personal  greed, 
—  that  is  the  contribution,  the  great  contribution,  of  the 
American  Constitution  to  the  political  science  of  the  world. 

If  we  pass  to  the  field  most  ably  and  interestingly  discussed 
in  the  paper  to  which  we  have  just  listened,  to  the  field  of  in- 
ternational justice,  we  find  the  same  principle  less  fully  devel- 
oped. I  had  almost  said  we  find  the  need  for  the  application 
of  the  same  principle.  All  international  law  and  international 
justice  depend  upon  national  law  and  national  justice.  No 
assemblage  of  nations  can  be  expected  to  establish  and  main- 
tain any  higher  standard  in  their  dealings  with  one  another 
than  that  which  each  maintains  within  its  own  borders.  Just 
as  the  standard  of  justice  and  civilization  in  a  community 
depends  upon  the  individual  character  of  the  elements  of  the 
community,  so  the  standard  of  justice  among  nations  depends 
upon  the  standard  established  in  each  individual  nation. 
Now,  in  the  field  of  international  arbitration  we  find  a  less 
fully  developed  sense  of  impersonal  justice  than  we  find  in 
our  municipal  jurisprudence.  Many  years  ago  the  Marquis 
of  Salisbury,  in  a  very  able  note,  pointed  out  the  extreme 
difficulty  which  lies  in  the  way  of  international  arbitration, 
arising  from  the  difficulty  of  securing  arbitrators  who  will 
act  impartially,  the  trouble  being  that  the  world  has  not  yet 
passed,  in  general,  out  of  that  stage  of  development  in  which 


PERU  143 

men,  even  if  they  be  arbitrators,  act  diplomatically  instead  of 
acting  judicially.  Arbitrations  are  too  apt,  therefore,  to  lead 
to  diplomatic  compromises  rather  than  to  judicial  decisions. 
The  remedy  is  not  in  abandoning  the  principle  of  arbitration, 
but  it  is  by  pressing  on  in  every  country  and  among  all  coun- 
tries the  quickened  conscience,  the  higher  standard,  the 
judicial  idea,  the  sense  of  the  responsibility  for  impartial 
judgment  in  international  affairs,  as  distinguished  from  the 
opportunity  for  negotiation  in  international  affairs.  We  are 
too  apt,  both  those  who  are  despondent  about  the  progress  of 
civilization  and  those  who  are  cynical  about  the  unselfishness 
of  mankind,  to  be  impatient  in  our  judgment,  and  to  forget 
how  long  the  life  of  a  nation  is,  and  how  slow  the  processes  of 
civilization  are;  how  long  it  takes  to  change  character  and  to 
educate  whole  peoples  up  to  different  standards  of  moral  law. 
The  principle  of  arbitration  requires  not  merely  declarations 
by  governments,  by  congresses;  it  requires  that  education  of 
the  people  of  all  civilized  countries  up  to  the  same  standard 
which  now  exists  regarding  the  sacredness  of  judicial  func- 
tions exercised  in  our  courts. 

It  does  not  follow  from  this  that  the  declaration  of  the 
principle  of  arbitration  is  not  of  value;  it  does  not  follow 
that  governments  and  congresses  are  not  advancing  the 
cause  of  international  justice;  a  principle  recognized  and 
declared  always  gains  fresh  strength  and  force;  but  for  the 
accomplishment  of  the  results  which  all  of  us  desire  in  the 
substitution  of  arbitration  for  war,  we  must  not  be  content 
with  the  declaration  of  principles;  we  must  carry  on  an 
active  campaign  of  universal  national  and  international  edu- 
cation, elevating  the  idea  of  the  sacredness  of  the  exercise  of 
the  judicial  function  in  arbitration  as  well  as  in  litigation 
between  individuals.  Still  deeper  than  that  goes  the  duty 
that  rests  upon  us.  Arbitration  is  but  the  method  of  pre- 
venting war  after  nations  have  been  drawn  up  in  opposition 


144     LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

to  each  other  with  serious  differences  and  excited  feelings. 
The  true,  the  permanent,  and  the  final  method  of  preventing 
war,  is  to  educate  the  people  who  make  war  or  peace,  the 
people  who  control  parliaments  and  congresses,  to  a  love  for 
justice  and  regard  for  the  rights  of  others.  So  we  come  to  the 
duty  that  rests  here  —  not  in  the  whims  or  the  preference  or 
the  policy  of  a  monarch,  but  here,  in  this  university,  in  every 
institution  of  learning  throughout  the  civilized  world,  with 
every  teacher  —  the  responsibility  of  determining  the  great 
issues  of  peace  and  war  through  the  responsibility  of  teaching 
the  people  of  our  countries  the  love  of  justice,  teaching  them 
to  seek  the  victories  of  peace  rather  than  the  glories  of  war; 
to  regard  more  highly  an  act  of  justice  and  of  generosity  than 
even  an  act  of  courage  or  an  act  of  heroism.  In  this  great 
work  of  educating  the  people  of  the  American  republics  to 
peace,  there  are  no  political  divisions.  As  there  is,  and 
has  been  since  the  dawn  of  civilization,  but  one  republic 
of  science,  but  one  republic  of  letters,  let  there  be  but  one 
republic  of  the  politics  of  peace,  one  great  university  of  the 
professors  and  instructors  of  justice,  of  respect  for  human 
rights,  of  consideration  for  others,  and  of  the  peace  of  the 
world. 


PANAMA 

THE  NATIONAL  ASSEMBLY 

Speech  of  His  Excellency  Ricardo  Arias 

Secretary  op  Government  and  Foreign  Relations 
In  the  National  Assembly,  at  Panama,  September  21,  1906 

YOU  have  just  visited  the  wealthiest  capitals  of  South 
America,  real  emporiums  of  its  richness;  there  you  have 
beefr  received  with  great  magnificence.  Our  outward  mani- 
festations of  joy  on  the  occasion  of  your  visit  may,  therefore, 
appear  to  you  very  humble;  but  you  can  rest  assured  that 
none  of  them  will  surpass  us  in  the  intensity  of  sympathetic 
feeling  toward  your  person  and  toward  the  noble  American 
people  that  you  so  worthily  represent. 

We  Panamanians  always  remember  with  gratitude  the 
interest  we  inspired  in  you  from  the  very  first  days  of  our 
national  existence,  and  we  bear  in  mind  very  specially  your 
timely  speech  delivered  before  the  Union  League  Club  of 
Chicago,*  when  our  destiny  was  pending  on  the  scales  of  a 
decision  of  your  Senate;  and  therefore  we  avail  ourselves 
of  this  joyful  opportunity  to  receive  you  with  the  cordiality 
due  to  an  old  and  good  friend. 

It  has  been,  and  it  is  yet,  the  vehement  desire  of  your 
country  to  bring  into  closer  ties,  as  far  as  possible,  its  political 
and  commercial  relations  with  the  Latin  American  coun- 
tries. The  similarity  of  traditions  and  institutions,  the' 
vicinity  and  continuity  of  their  territories,  and  the  vast  field 
of  commercial  expansion  which  they  offer,  fully  justify  that 
natural,  legitimate  desire,  which  is  also  mutually  beneficial; 

*  "The  Ethics  of  the  Panama  Question";  address  before  the  Union  League  Club 
of  Chicago,  February  22,  1904 — see  Addreaaes  on  International  Sul)jects,  pp.  175- 
206,  published  by  the  Harvard  University  Press. 

14f 


146     LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

but  there  being  between  yours  and  the  latter  countries 
essential  differences  of  language,  race,  disposition,  and  educa- 
tion, there  is  bound  to  exist  in  them  the  suspicion  which  is 
naturally  engendered  by  the  unknown,  and  thus  it  is  that  the 
first  steps  taken  toward  the  accomplishment  of  your  desire 
should  have  been  the  removal  of  that  suspicion  by  means  of 
friendly  intercourse  and  mutual  acquaintance. 

With  the  tact  brought  forth  by  your  vast  intelligence  and 
learning,  you  fully  understood  that  those  do  not  love  each 
other  well  who  are  not  intimately  acquainted;  and  it  is  owing 
to  this  fact  that  you  decided  to  come  in  person  to  visit  and  to 
know  the  Latin  Americans  by  your  own  observation  and 
study.  No  doubt  you  carry  with  you  a  joyful  impression 
of  the  progress  and  nobleness  of  disposition  of  our  southern 
brothers,  together  with  the  assurance  that  your  mission  will 
achieve  a  new  and  splendid  triumph  for  that  American  dip- 
lomacy whereof  you  are  the  skilled  director,  and  the  princi- 
pal object  of  which  is  the  accomplishment  of  the  desire  of 
which  I  have  already  spoken. 

Being  desirous  to  cooperate  in  the  aims  you  have  in  view 
and  with  the  hope  of  dispelling  certain  existing  misunder- 
standings concerning  the  motives  and  intentions  which 
originated  our  present  pleasant  relations,  in  a  statement 
which  I  recently  addressed  to  your  government  through  its 
minister  plenipotentiary  here,  I  recounted  the  historical 
events  which  engendered  our  national  existence  and  those 
special  relations  which  link  us  to  your  country,  in  order  that 
when  the  seal  of  diplomatic  silence  is  removed,  and  that 
statement  becomes  public  property,  the  world  may  know, 
through  the  unimpeachable  testimony  of  history,  that  only 
ideals  of  the  highest  altruism  served  as  a  guide  to  the  foun- 
dation of  our  republic  and  to  the  celebration  of  the  treaty 
concerning  the  construction  of  the  interoceanic  canal  for  our 
benefit  and  pro  mundi  beneficio. 


PANAMA  147 

Panama  offers  you  a  splendid  field  to  promote  the  wise 
international  policy  which  animates  your  mind.  We  being 
of  similar  conditions  to  our  Latin  American  brothers,  being 
linked  to  your  country  by  the  closest  ties  that  can  exist 
between  two  independent  nations,  you  having  the  means  of 
exerting  decisive  influence  upon  our  future  life  and  we  being 
situated  in  the  constant  path  of  universal  transit,  shall  be  an 
evident,  shining  example  of  the  benefit  which  your  country 
can  confer  upon  the  countries  of  our  race. 

The  fruits  of  your  influence  are  already  felt  and  seen. 
Peace,  which  we  consider  a  blessing,  is  a  permanent  fact. 
Under  its  shelter,  and  under  the  assurances  given  us  by  your 
illustrious  President  in  his  famous  letter  of  October  18,  1904, 
addressed  to  the  Secretary  of  War,  Panama  has  entered  with 
firm  step  upon  the  path  of  material,  intellectual,  and  moral 
development.  Those  who  knew  us  a  little  over  two  years  ago, 
disheartened  and  ruined  by  bad  government  and  civil  war, 
and  see  today  the  change  that  has  taken  place  in  such  a  short 
time,  carry  to  the  north  and  south  the  gratifying  news  of  our 
regeneration  and  thereby  contribute  to  dispel  unfounded 
suspicions  regarding  yourselves. 

These  good  results  are  the  forerunners  of  greater  benefits 
in  the  future,  and  of  the  effect. of  the  cooperation  of  the 
agents  of  your  government  in  the  progress  of  the  country  in 
general,  of  their  friendly  and  timely  advice,  and  of  their 
decided  moral  supp>ort  whenever  there  has  been  need  thereof. 

I  will  profit  by  this  opportunity  to  convey  to  you  the  grati- 
tude of  the  government  and  people  of  Panama  for  the  special 
consideration  which  has  been  extended  to  them  by  the  gov- 
ernment of  your  country.  This  has  been  evidenced  princi- 
pally by  the  diplomatic  staff  sent  to  us,  from  the  very  able 
Honorable  William  I.  Buchanan,  your  first  minister  pleni- 
potentiary, to  the  popular  Honorable  Charles  E.  Magoon, 
who  can  hardly  be  replaced,  and  whose  separation  from  the 


148    LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

post  he  occupies  with  general  satisfaction  has  caused  great 
regret  in  the  country;  and  later  you  sent  us,  doing  us  an 
unmerited  honor,  in  the  first  place,  by  special  order  of  your 
very  noble  President,  your  Secretary  of  War,  Honorable 
William  H.  Taft,  who  established  the  relations  between  our 
two  countries  on  the  happy  basis  of  mutual  cordiality  and 
justice,  on  which  they  are  now  established;  and  now,  Mr. 
Secretary,  you  do  us  the  great  honor  of  coming  yourself  on  a 
visit,  placing  us  on  a  level  with  the  powerful  Brazil,  Argen- 
tina, Chile,  Peru,  and  Uruguay;  and,  furthermore,  which 
appears  to  be  the  extreme  limit  of  what  is  possible,  you  allow 
us  to  look  forward  to  the  coming  visit  of  your  great  President, 
the  most  distinguished  of  existing  rulers  —  a  special  honor 
which  has  not  been  vouchsafed  even  to  the  most  powerful 
nations  of  the  world.  Panama,  overwhelmed  with  so  many 
marks  of  appreciation,  will  preserve  them  as  an  everlasting 
remembrance  of  gratitude  toward  your  noble  country;  and 
in  return,  though  it  be  but  partial,  we  will  follow  your  advice, 
we  will  cooperate  without  reserve  and  with  enthusiasm  in  the 
great  work  of  the  interoceanic  canal,  which  is  bound  to  be 
the  most  magnificent  monument  of  the  grandeur  of  your 
people;  and  we  will  likewise  support  you  in  the  mission  of 
American  brotherhood  which  you  have  undertaken,  founding 
a  nation  which  shall  distinguish  itself  by  its  love  of  work,  of 
honor,  of  order,  and  of  justice. 

Reply  of  Mb.  Root 

I  THANK  you  for  your  kind  welcome  to  me  and  for  the  friend- 
ship to  my  country  expressed  in  that  welcome,  and  I  thank 
you  for  the  honor  conferred  upon  me  by  this  reception  in  the 
legislative  body  which  is  charged  with  the  government  of 
this  republic.  You  have  truly  said,  sir,  that  I  am  deeply 
interested  in  the  affairs  of  the  people  of  Panama.  At  the 
time  of  the  events  which  led  to  your  independence,  I  studied 


PANAMA  149 

your  history  carefully  and  thoroughly  from  original  docu- 
ments, in  order  to  determine  in  my  own  mind  what  the  course 
of  my  country  ought  to  be.  From  that  study  have  resulted  a 
keen  sense  of  the  manifold  injuries  and  injustices  under 
which  the  people  of  Panama  have  suffered  in  years  past,  a 
strong  sympathy  with  you  in  your  efforts  and  aspirations 
toward  a  better  condition,  a  fervent  hope  for  your  prosperity 
and  welfare. 

It  is  with  the  greatest  pleasure  that  I  have  heard  the 
expressions  of  friendship  for  my  country,  because  of  my 
feeling  toward  you  and  because  of  the  special  relations  which 
exist  between  the  two  countries.  We  are  engaged  together  in 
the  prosecution  of  a  great,  a  momentous  enterprise  —  an 
enterprise  which  has  been  the  dream  not  only  of  the  early 
navigators  who  first  colonized  your  coasts,  but  of  the  most 
progressive  of  mankind  for  four  centuries.  Its  successful 
accomplishment  will  make  Panama  the  very  center  of  the 
world's  trade;  you  will  stand  up>on  the  greatest  highway  of 
commerce;  more  than  the  ancient  glories  of  the  isthmus  will 
be  restored;  and  there  lies  before  you  in  the  future  of  this 
successful  enterprise  wealth,  prosperity,  the  opportunity  for 
education,  for  cultivation,  and  for  intercourse  with  all  the 
world  such  as  has  never  before  been  brought  to  any  people. 
The  success  of  the  enterprise  will  unite  the  far-separated 
Atlantic  and  Pacific  coasts  in  my  country;  it  will  give  to  us 
the  credit  of  great  deeds  done,  and  make  the  Atlantic  and 
Pacific  for  us  as  but  one  ocean;  and  the  success  of  this  enter- 
prise will  give  to  the  world  a  new  highway  of  commerce  and 
the  possibility  of  a  distinct  and  enormous  advance  in  that 
communication  between  nations  which  is  the  surest  guaranty 
of  peace  and  civilization. 

The  achievement  of  this  work  is  to  be  accomplished  by  us 
jointly.  You  furnish  the  country,  the  place,  the  soil,  the 
atmosphere,  the  surrounding  population  among  which  the 


150     LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

people  who  do  the  work  are  to  live  and  where  the  work  is  to 
be  maintained.  We  furnish  the  capital  and  the  trained  con- 
structive ability  which  has  grown  up  in  the  course  of  centuries 
of  development  of  the  northern  continent.  The  work  is 
difficult  and  delicate;  the  two  peoples,  the  Anglo-American 
and  the  Spanish-American,  are  widely  different  in  their 
traditions,  their  laws,  their  customs,  their  methods  of  think- 
ing and  speaking  and  doing  business.  It  often  happens  that 
we  misunderstand  each  other;  it  often  happens  that  we  fail 
to  appreciate  your  good  qualities  and  that  you  fail  to  appre- 
ciate ours;  and  that  with  perfectly  good  intentions,  with  the 
best  of  purposes  and  kindliest  of  feelings,  we  clash,  we  fail  to 
understand  each  other,  we  get  at  cross  purposes,  and  mis- 
conception and  discord  are  liable  to  arise.  Let  us  remember 
this  in  all  our  intercourse;  let  us  be  patient  with  each  other; 
let  us  believe  in  the  sincerity  of  our  mutual  good  purposes  and 
kindly  feelings,  and  be  patient  and  forbearing  each  with  the 
other,  so  that  we  may  go  on  together  in  the  accomplishment 
of  this  great  enterprise;  together  bring  it  to  a  successful  con- 
clusion; together  share  in  the  glory  of  the  great  work  done 
and  in  the  prosperity  that  will  come  from  the  result. 

Mr.  President  and  gentlemen,  let  me  assure  you  that  in  the 
share  which  the  United  States  is  taking  and  is  to  take  in  this 
work,  there  is  and  can  be  but  one  feeling  and  one  desire 
toward  the  people  of  Panama.  It  is  a  feeling  of  friendship 
sincere  and  lasting;  it  is  a  feeling  of  strong  desire  that  wis- 
dom may  control  the  deliberations  of  this  assembly;  that 
judgment  and  prudence  and  love  of  country  may  rule  in  all 
your  councils  and  may  control  all  your  actions;  it  is  a  desire 
and  a  firm  purpose  that  so  far  as  in  us  lies,  there  shall  be  pre- 
served for  you  the  precious  boon  of  free  self-government. 
We  do  not  wish  to  govern  you  or  interfere  in  your  govern- 
ment, because  we  are  larger  and  stronger;  we  believe  that  the 
principle  of  liberty  and  the  rights  of  men  are  more  impor- 


PANAMA  151 

tant  than  the  size  of  armies  or  the  number  of  battleships. 
Your  independence  which  we  recognized  first  among  the 
nations  of  the  earth,  it  is  our  desire  to  have  maintained  in- 
violate. Believe  this,  be  patient  with  us,  as  we  will  be  patient 
with  you;  and  I  hope,  I  believe,  that  at  some  future  day  we 
shall  all  be  sailing  through  the  canal  together,  congratulat- 
ing each  other  upon  our  share  in  that  great  and  beneficent 
work. 


COLOMBIA 


CARTAGENA 


Address  of  the  Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs, 

His  Excellency  Vasquez-Cobo 

At  a  Breakfast  given  to  Mr.  Root,  September  24, 1906 

UPON  receiving  your  excellency  within  the  confines  of 
our  heroic  and  glorious  Cartagena,  I  present  to  you  a 
cordial  greeting  of  welcome,  in  the  name  of  Colombia,  of  his 
excellency  the  President  of  the  Republic,  and  in  my  own. 

You  return  to  your  own  country  to  enjoy  merited  honors 
and  laurels  after  a  long  tour,  giving  a  hearty  embrace  of 
friendship  to  our  sisters,  the  republics  of  the  South;  and  in 
breaking  your  journey  upon  our  burning  shores  we  receive 
you  as  the  herald  of  peace,  of  justice,  and  of  concord  with 
which  the  great  republic  of  the  North  greets  the  American 
continent.  I  trust  to  God  that  these  walls,  the  austere 
witnesses  of  our  glory,  will  serve  as  a  monument  whereby 
this  visit  may  be  noted  in  history. 

The  honorable  Minister  Barrett,  the  worthy  and  estimable 
representative  of  your  excellency's  Government,  has  just 
completed  a  journey  through  a  large  part  of  our  vast  terri- 
tory; he,  better  than  any  one,  will  be  able  to  tell  your 
excellency  what  he  has  seen  in  our  beautiful  and  fertile 
valleys  and  mountains,  in  our  flourishing  cities  and  fields, 
and  among  our  five  millions  of  lusty,  high-minded,  peace- 
loving,  and  hard-working  inhabitants,  who  today  think  only 
of  peace  and  useful  and  honest  toil. 

This  is  the  nation  that  greets  you  today  and  with  loyalty 
and  frankness  clasps  the  hand  of  her  sister  of  the  North. 

Mr.  Secretary,  upon  thanking  you  for  the  honor  of  this 
visit,  I  fervently  pray  that  a  happy  outcome  may  crown 

15S 


154     LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

your  efforts  in  the  great  work  of  American  fraternity,  and  I 
drink  to  the  prosperity  and  greatness  of  the  United  States, 
to  its  President,  and  especially  to  your  excellency. 

Reply  of  Mr.  Root 

Believe,  I  beg  you,  in  the  sincerity  of  my  appreciation  and 
my  thanks  for  the  courtesy  with  which  you  have  received  me, 
and  for  the  honor  which  you  have  shown  me.  When  the 
suggestion  was  made  that  upon  my  return  from  a  voyage 
encircling  the  continent  of  South  America,  I  should  stop  at 
Cartagena  for  an  interview  with  you,  sir,  before  returning  to 
my  own  country,  I  accepted  with  alacrity  and  with  pleasure, 
because  it  was  most  grateful  to  me  to  testify  by  my  presence 
upon  your  shores  to  my  high  respect  for  your  great  country, 
the  country  of  Bolivar;  to  my  sincere  desire  that  all  questions 
which  exist  between  the  United  States  of  Colombia  and  the 
United  States  of  America  may  be  settled  peacefully,  in  the 
spirit  of  friendship,  of  mutual  esteem,  and  with  honor  to  both 
countries.  Especially,  also,  I  was  glad  to  come  to  Colombia 
as  an  evidence  of  my  esteem  and  regard  for  that  noble  and 
great  man  whom  it  is  the  privilege  of  Colombia  to  call  her 
President  today  —  General  Reyes.  I  have  had  the  privilege 
of  personal  acquaintance  with  him,  and  I  look  upon  his  con- 
duct of  affairs  in  the  chief  magistracy  of  your  republic  with 
the  twofold  interest  of  one  who  loves  his  fellow-men  and 
desires  the  prosperity  and  happiness  of  the  people  of  Colom- 
bia, and  of  a  personal  regard  and  friendship  for  the  President 
himself. 

I  have  been  much  gratified  during  my  visit  to  so  many  of 
the  republics  of  South  America  to  find  universally  the  spirit 
of  a  new  industrial  and  commercial  awakening,  to  find  a  new 
era  of  enterprise  and  prosperity  dawning  in  the  southern 
continent. 


COLOMBIA  155 

Mr.  Minister  and  gentlemen,  it  will  be  the  cause  of  sincere 
happiness  to  me  if  through  the  present  friendly  relations, 
based  upon  personal  knowledge  acquired  here,  I  may  do 
something  toward  helping  the  republic  of  Colombia  for- 
ward along  the  pathway  of  the  new  development  of  South 
America.  With  your  vast  agricultural  and  mineral  wealth, 
with  the  incalculable  richness  of  your  domain,  the  wealth  and 
prosperity  of  Colombia  are  sure  to  come  some  time.  Let  us 
hope  that  they  will  come  while  we  are  yet  Uving,  in  order 
that  you  may  transfer  to  your  children  not  the  possibiUty  but 
the  realization  of  the  increased  greatness  of  your  country. 
Let  us  hope  that  some  advance  of  this  new  era  of  progress 
may  come  from  the  pleasant  friendships  formed  today. 
While  I  return  my  thanks  to  you  for  your  courtesy,  let  me 
assure  you  that  there  is  nothing  that  could  give  greater 
pleasure  to  the  President  and  to  the  people  of  the  United 
States  of  America  than  to  feel  that  they  may  have  some  part 
in  promoting  the  prosperity  and  the  happiness  of  this  sister 
republic. 

I  ask  you  to  join  me  in  drinking  to  the  peace,  the  pros- 
perity, the  order,  the  justice,  the  liberty  of  the  republic  of 
Colombia,  and  long  life  and  a  prosperous  career  in  oflBce  to 
its  President  —  General  Reyes. 


THE  VISIT  TO  MEXICO 


Following  Secretary  Root's  visit  to  South  America,  with  its  auspicious  results, 
the  President  of  Mexico,  Porfirio  Diaz,  extended  an  official  invitation  to  visit  the 
republic  immediately  to  the  south  of  us,  in  the  belief  that  such  a  visit  would  have 
equally  happy  results  in  strengthening  and  increasing  the  "  steadfast  friendship  " 
existing  between  the  two  neighboring  nations. 

Mr.  Root,  together  with  his  wife  and  daughter,  started  for  Mexico  by  special 
train,  arriving  in  San  Antonio  on  September  28,  1907.  On  the  evening  of  the  day  of 
his  arrival  in  San  Antonio,  a  banquet  was  tendered  to  Mr.  Root  and  the  Mexican 
Committee  which  had  come  to  San  Antonio  to  welcome  him  and  escort  him  into 
their  country. 

On  Sunday  the  29th,  the  Root  party,  together  with  the  Mexican  Committee, 
proceeded  across  the  boundary  into  Mexico,  and  were  met  at  the  station  of  Nuevo 
Laredo  by  a  Mexican  delegation.  Thence  they  continued  to  Mexico  City,  where  the 
honors  extended  to  Mr.  Root  were  in  keeping  with  the  traditional  hospitality  of  the 
ancient  capital  of  the  Montezumas.  During  his  stay  the  degree  of  honorary  member 
of  the  Mexican  Academy  of  Legislation  and  Jurisprudence  was  conferred  upon  him. 

A  Mexican  publication  of  314  pages,  entitled  El  Senor  Root  en  Mexico,  contains  in 
parallel  Spanish  and  English  coltunns  a  detailed  account  of  the  visit,  which  extended 
from  September  28  to  October  16.  It  is  to  be  regretted  that  this  volume  is  defective 
in  that  many  of  the  speeches  made  during  the  visit  are  not  fully  reported.  It  is  pos- 
sible, however,  to  gather  from  those  which  have  been  preserved,  a  keen  sense  of 
the  cordial  reception  accorded  him  by  the  officials  and  representative  citizens  of  the 
republic,  and  the  earnest  and  eloquent  terms  in  which  he  reciprocated  the  expres- 
sions of  regard  for  his  country  and  of  appreciation  of  his  own  services  to  his  country 
and  the  world. 

The  most  progressive  epoch  in  Mexico's  history  was  the  thirty  years  of  Diaz's 
supremacy;  and  it  was  in  the  heyday  of  that  period  that  Mr.  Root  made  his  visit  to 
j  Mexico  and  paid  to  President  Diaz  the  tributes  which  appear  in  the  following  pages. 
[  During  these  thirty  years,  he  was  always  a  firm  friend  of  the  United  States,  and 
■  no  diplomatic  misunderstandings  arose  which  were  not  peaceably  adjusted  in  a 
I  spirit  of  neighborly  friendship.  Dfaz  shares  with  President  Roosevelt  the  honor  of 
^^i  submitting  the  first  international  controversy  to  the  Hague  Tribunal  of  Arbitration 
'  for  determination,  in  what  is  known  as  "  The  Pious  Fund  of  the  Califomias." 


THE  VISIT  TO  MEXICO 

SAN  ANTONIO 

Speech  of  Mr.  Root 

At  a  Banquet  of  the  International  Club  in  Honor  of  Mr.  Root  and  the 
Mexican  Envoys,  September  28,  1907 

Upon  his  arrival  in  San  Antonio,  Texas,  on  his  way  to  Mexico,  Mr.  Root  was  met 
by  a  reception  committee  designated  by  President  Diaz,  which  had  come  to  San 
Antonio  to  welcome  him  and  to  escort  him  to  the  national  capital.  While  in  San 
Antonio,  Mr.  Root  and  the  Mexican  Reception  Committee  were  the  guests  of  the 
International  Club  of  that  city;  and  on  the  evening  of  the  day  of  their  arrival,  a 
banquet  was  tendered  them  by  that  club.  At  this  banquet  Mr.  Root  made  what 
may  be  called  the  first  address  of  his  Mexican  visit.  The  opening  remarks  of  this 
speech  were  not  reported  in  full  in  the  volume  entitled  El  SefUrr  Root  en  Mexico,  or 
elsewhere;  nor  were  the  speeches  of  the  members  of  the  Mexican  Reception  Com- 
mittee. Mr.  Root  b^an  by  a  reference  to  the  ideals  adopted  by  men  and  by 
nations,  declaring  his  opinion  that  a  nation  has  a  right  to  exist  only  in  so  far  as  it 
shows  its  ability  to  care  for  the  welfare  of  other  nations  and  the  relations  of  every 
man  with  his  fellow-men.  He  spoke  of  the  rising  tide  of  American  business  which  is 
powerfully  spreading  towards  the  south  by  reason  of  the  financial  conditions  in  the 
east  of  the  United  States,  every  day  becoming  more  stringent  through  the  volume 
and  accumulation  of  resources.  After  this  introduction,  he  spoke  at  some  length 
about  the  Panama  Canal,  the  construction  of  which  already  was  in  its  opening  stage. 
On  this  subject  he  said: 

The  Panama  Canal  is  now  an  unquestionable  certainty. 
Relations  between  the  United  States  and  the  different  nations 
which  are  grouped  around  the  Caribbean  Sea,  are  becoming 
every  day  closer.  It  is  impossible  to  anticipate  at  present 
the  tonnage  which  will  pass  through  that  waterway,  nor 
can  we  predict  the  number  of  vessels  which  will  be  required 
for  its  transportation;  but  we  do  already  know,  that  never 
in  the  world  has  a  new  and  universal  trade  route  been 
opened,  without  bringing  about  a  change  in  the  history  of 
the  entire  world.  And  it  is  for  this  reason  I  feel  that 
upon  us  has  fallen  the  mission  of  assisting  all  those  nations 

159 


160     LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

which  will  find  themselves  involved  in  the  new  influence.  At 
present  we  are  doing  everything  within  our  power  to  assist 
Cuba  in  establishing  self-government.  We  have  endeavored 
to  stretch  out  our  hand  to  unhappy  Santo  Domingo,  ruined 
by  its  civil  wars,  so  that  it  may  rise  and  also  govern  itself. 
We  have  plunged  into  a  discussion  which  really  has  no  further 
object  than  that  of  settling  the  disputes  and  the  differences 
which  have  arisen  between  the  United  States  and  the  republic 
of  Colombia.  And  all  this  we  do,  not  only  through  the  new 
interest  which  the  prosperity  of  all  those  countries  develops 
in  ourselves,  but  principally  through  a  profound  compre- 
hension of  the  truth  contained  in  the  principle  above  enunci- 
ated, that  a  nation  only  lives  as  far  as  it  demonstrates  its 
right  to  existence  by  its  usefulness  to  humanity.  And  one  of 
the  most  conclusive  guarantees  of  the  success  of  this  effort  is 
found  in  the  solid  and  loyal  friendship  which  exists  between 
the  United  States  and  Mexico,  with  which  nation,  day  after 
day,  and  year  after  year,  we  are  working  within  the  limits  of  a 
peaceful  and  humanitarian  national  policy,  which  at  the 
same  time  is  wise  and  intelligent.  Our  two  republics,  now  so 
prosperous,  harmoniously  work  to  promote  a  similar  pros- 
perity amongst  their  sister  republics  to  the  south;  and  I 
sincerely  hope  that  this  happy  state  of  affairs  may  be  pro- 
longed for  a  long  time  to  come,  and  that  success  may  finally 
crown  our  united  efforts.  In  this  manner  the  two  republics 
will  fully  prove  their  right  to  live,  and  will  show  the  world 
that  their  citizens  are  able  and  competent  to  govern  them- 
selves without  the  assistance  of  either  kings  or  aristocracies, 
seeing  that  they  can  fill  the  highest  mission  of  man,  which 
consists  in  the  maintenance  of  law,  order,  justice,  liberty,  and 
peace.  .  .  . 

I  also  desire  to  say  how  greatly  I  appreciate  the  distin- 
guished courtesy  shown  to  myself  and  to  the  Government  of 
the  United  States,  by  the  long  journey  which  has  been  under- 


THE  VISIT  TO  MEXICO  161 

taken  by  the  committee  charged  with  the  representation  of 
President  Diaz  and  the  Mexican  Government,  crossing  the 
frontier  of  their  country  into  the  state  of  Texas,  in  order  to 
give  me  welcome  on  the  occasion  of  the  visit  I  am  about  to 
make.  Indeed,  it  causes  me  the  greatest  satisfaction  to  be  able 
to  declare,  without  any  reserve  whatever,  that  this  action  is 
entirely  in  accordance  with  the  conduct  observed  by  Mexico 
in  all  international  matters  which  have  arisen  between  the 
two  countries,  since  I  have  taken  any  part  in  the  govern- 
ment of  our  own.  With  an  immense  boundary  line  which  is 
only  marked  by  the  changeable  and  capricious  currents  of 
the  Rio  Grande;  with  the  constant  traffic  across  our  com- 
mon frontier;  with  thousands  of  Americans  residing  in  that 
country;  with  the  countless  number  of  enterprises  in  which 
Americans  are  interested  on  the  other  side  of  the  Rio  Grande, 
and  with  the  resources  of  the  two  countries,  there  are  always 
a  number  of  questions  to  be  solved  by  the  representatives  of 
one  and  the  other,  and  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  they  will 
always  be  solved  with  the  same  good-will  and  courtesy  of 
which  such  evident  proof  has  been  given  by  General  Rinc6n 
Gallardo,  by  Mr.  Limantour  and  by  their  travelling  com- 
panions in  coming  here  tonight.* 

RECEPTION  BY  THE  MEXICAN  DELEGATION  AT 
NUEVO  LAREDO 

Speech  op  Welcome  by  General  Pedro  Rincon  Gallardo 

September  29, 1907 

Especially  appointed  for  this  purpose  by  the  President,  in 
behalf  of  the  government  of  the  republic,  we  have  the  honor 
to  tender  to  your  excellency  the  most  cordial  welcome  on 
your  happy  arrival  in  Mexico,  whose  people,  of  whom  we 

*  Thia  address  was  answered  in  appropriate  terms  by  General  Rinc6n  Gallardo  as 
the  representative  of  President  Diaz,  and  among  other  things  he  congratulated  him- 
self on  the  fact  that  the  Mexican  Committee  had  been  granted  the  pleasing  privilege 


162     LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

must  consider  ourselves  the  faithful  echo,  pledge  the  con- 
tinued good  relations  with  the  people  of  the  United  States. 
The  reception  is  an  homage  to  your  well-known  merits,  and 
the  people  are  anxious  to  receive  your  excellency  as  their 
illustrious  guest  and  highly  esteemed  friend.  The  people  of 
Mexico,  during  your  excellency's  brief  sojourn  amongst  us, 
will  show  how  true  is  their  esteem  for  you  and  how  proud 
they  will  feel  on  the  occasion  of  this  visit  of  your  excellency, 
accompanied  by  Mrs.  and  Miss  Root;  an  event  the  memory 
of  which  will  remain  forever  engraved  on  our  hearts. 

Mr.  Root's  Reply 

I  BEG  you  to  believe  that  I  am  highly  appreciative  of  the 
cordial  and  hospitable  greeting  with  which  I  have  been 
received  by  you  on  the  threshold  of  your  beautiful  and 
wonderful  country.  I  hope  that  the  visit  which  now  begins 
will  not  merely  give  me  personally  the  opportunity  I  have 
long  desired,  to  see  this  great  country  and  its  marvels,  to 
meet  its  public  men,  and  especially  to  see  its  illustrious 
President.  I  hope  that  it  will  also  serve,  as  it  is  intended  to 
serve,  as  evidence  of  the  desire  of  the  government  and  people 
of  the  United  States  to  strengthen  and  increase  the  steadfast 
friendship  which  they  have  long  felt  for  the  people  and  govern- 
ment of  Mexico. 

CITY  OF  MEXICO 

Speech  of  Porbtrio  Diaz 

President  of  the  Republic 

At  a  Banquet  at  the  National  Palace,  October  2, 1907 

In  the  name  of  the  Mexican  people  and  of  their  government 
I  tender  you  this  banquet,  acknowledging  thereby  those 
sentiments  of  sympathy  which  are  felt  and  which  distinguish 

of  continumg  to  San  Antonio  in  order  to  give  there  a  welcome  to  the  distinguished 
visitors.  Lieutenant-Colonel  Samuel  Garcia  Cuellar  also  made  an  address.  Neither 
of  these  addresses  were  preserved. 


THE  VISIT  TO  MEXICO  163 

one  and  another,  the  people  of  the  United  States,  the  great 
citizen  who  presides  over  its  high  destinies,  and  the  illustrious 
statesman  who  honors  us  with  his  interesting  and  very 
welcome  visit.  Bonds  of  sympathy  and  fellow-feeling,  Mr. 
Secretary,  which  are  not  new,  but  which  germinated  in  the 
breasts  of  our  fathers  at  the  inception  of  the  independence 
of  our  country,  our  fathers  who  contemplated  with  patriotic 
enthusiasm  the  daring  exploits  in  war  and  imitated  the  poli- 
tical examples  set  by  your  heroic  liberators;  sentiments 
which  we,  of  subsequent  generations,  have  also  cultivated; 
because,  in  studying  the  causes  which  produce  the  prodigious 
national  prosperity  with  which  your  country  has  astounded 
the  world,  we  become  accustomed  to  admire,  to  magnify 
perhaps,  the  indomitable  will,  energy,  labor,  and  civic  and 
patriotic  solidarity  which  constitute  the  energetic  and  abun- 
dantly productive  typ)e  of  your  countrymen. 

The  Mexican  people,  Mr.  Secretary,  are  honored  as  well 
as  pleased  to  have  you  in  their  midst  —  honored,  because 
you  are  the  fountain  of  honor  as  a  noted  statesman  of  our 
century,  and  highly  pleased  because  your  clear  and  rapid 
conception  promises  us  that,  seeing  with  your  own  eyes  the 
kind  and  well-merited  feelings  with  which  we  harbor  your 
countrymen  who  seek  in  our  land  the  generous  treatment 
proportionate  to  their  intelligence,  perseverance,  and  inde- 
fatigable labor,  you  may  affirm  that  in  Mexico  we  profess 
ideas  which,  carried  out  in  cordial  reciprocity,  must  make 
happy  and  loyal  friends  the  two  nations  which  are  united 
by  contiguity. 

In  conclusion,  gentlemen,  I  extend  my  thanks  to  the  dis- 
tinguished ladies  who  have  had  the  kindness  to  honor  and 
embellish  our  tables  with  their  presence;  and  permit  me  to 
invite  you  to  drink  with  them  and  with  me,  hoping  that  the 
national  harmonizing  of  individual  rights  and  just  liberties, 
which  is  called  the  United  States  of  America,  may  be  per- 


164     LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

petuated  in  its  increasing  moral  and  material  progress,  which 
has  given  prestige  throughout  the  world  to  government  by 
popular  representation. 

1  drink  also  to  the  personal  happiness  of  that  great  friend 
of  universal  peace,  president  of  the  grand  republic,  the 
Honorable  Theodore  Roosevelt,  and  to  the  hope  that  our 
illustrious  guest  and  his  lovable  family  may  find  in  Mexico 
a  reception  as  pleasing  as  their  interesting  visit  is  to  the 
Mexican  people. 

Mr.  Root's  Reply 

I  THANK  you  most  sincerely  for  the  kind  and  gracious  words 
which  you  have  used  regarding  my  poor  self,  regarding  my 
President,  from  whom  I  bring  to  you  and  to  the  Mexican 
people  a  message  of  deep  and  warm  friendship  and  good 
wishes,  and  regarding  my  country,  which  I  believe  is  fitly 
represented  by  this  brief  visit  of  friendship,  made  with  the 
purpose,  not  of  creating,  for  they  are  already  created,  but  of 
increasing  and  advancing  the  ideas  of  amity  and  mutual 
helpfulness  between  two  great  republics. 

I  cannot  keep  my  mind  from  reverting  to  a  former  visit 
by  an  American  Secretary  of  State  to  the  republic  of  Mexico. 
Thirty-eight  years  ago,  Mr.  Seward,  a  really  great  American 
Secretary  of  State,  visited  your  country.  How  vast  the 
difference  between  what  he  found  and  what  I  find!  Then 
was  a  country  torn  by  a  civil  war,  sunk  in  poverty,  in  distress. 
Now  I  find  a  country  great  in  its  prosperity,  in  its  wealth,  in 
its  activity  and  enterprise,  in  the  moral  strength  of  its  just 
and  equal  laws,  and  unalterable  purpose  to  advance  its  people 
steadily  along  the  pathway  of  progress. 

Mr.  President,  the  people  of  the  United  States  feel  that 
the  world  owes  this  great  change  chiefly  to  you.  They  are 
grateful  to  you  for  it,  for  they  rejoice  in  the  prosperity  and 
happiness  of  Mexico.    We  believe,  sir,  that  we  are  richer 


THE  VISIT  TO  IVIEXICO  165 

and  happier  because  you  are  richer  and  happier,  and  we  rejoice 
that  you  are  no  longer  a  poor  and  struggHng  nation  needing 
assistance,  but  that  you  are  strong  and  vigorous,  so  that  we 
can  go  with  you  side  by  side  in  demonstrating  to  the  world 
that  republics  are  able  to  govern  themselves  wisely;  side 
by  side  in  helping  to  carry  to  our  less  fortunate  sisters  the 
blessing  of  peace. 

Mr.  President,  I  have  said  that  we  need  not  create,  but 
wish  to  strengthen,  the  ties  of  friendship.  It  is  my  hope  that 
through  more  perfect  understanding,  through  personal  inter- 
course, through  the  more  complete  unity  of  action  to  be 
acquired  by  the  individual  intercourse  of  the  men  of  Mexico 
and  the  men  of  the  United  States,  not  only  may  our  friend- 
ship be  increased,  but  our  power  for  usefulness  —  for  that 
usefulness  which  demonstrates  the  right  of  nations  to  be 
perpetuated  —  may  be  enlarged. 

For  the  generous  hospitality,  for  the  spirit  of  friendship 
with  which  you  and  the  people  of  Mexico  have  welcomed  me 
as  a  representative  of  the  United  States,  I  thank  you  and 
them,  and  I  hope  that  there  may  be  found  in  this  visit 
and  in  this  welcome  not  merely  the  pleasure  of  a  holiday, 
but  a  step  along  the  pathway  of  two  great  nations  in  their 
service  to  humanity. 

RECEPTION  AT  THE  MUNICIPAL  PALACE 

Speech  of  Governor  Guillermo  de  Landa  y  Escand6n 

October  3. 1907 

Last  year,  in  accordance  with  the  wishes  of  your  President, 
you  undertook  to  visit  and  become  acquainted  with  Latin 
America,  and  for  that  purpose  you  made  an  extended  voyage 
which  was  fruitful  in  happy  results. 

At  the  beginning  of  the  sixteenth  century  adventurous 
Spanish  and  Portuguese  navigators  sailed  from  the  Atlantic 


166     LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

into  tlie  Pacific,  effecting  important  discoveries  of  which  the 
object  was  to  rescue  from  darkness  populous  regions  which, 
since  then,  have  become  part  of  the  civiHzed  world.  You 
have  sailed  over  nearly  the  same  route  four  centuries  later, 
proclaiming  a  message  of  peace  and  concord  in  all  those 
regions  whose  inhabitants  greeted  you  with  acclamations 
from  the  northern  ports  of  Brazil  around  to  those  of  Colombia 
and  Panama. 

You  are  now  crowning  your  mission  by  visiting  the  Mex- 
ican Republic,  and  you  arrive  at  this  capital  animated  by  the 
same  aspirations  which  actuated  you  when  you  set  foot  on  the 
cruiser  Charleston  in  the  port  of  New  York  on  July  4, 1906. 

Your  aims  are  so  noble  and  great  that  they  cannot  but  be 
sincere.  The  course  you  have  set  before  yourself  would  not 
be  possible  for  one  whose  head  did  not  harbor  the  loftiest 
ideals,  and  whose  heart  did  not  quicken  to  the  finest  sen- 
timents. 

Your  President  is  a  great  man;  rectitude  and  loyalty  are 
the  dominant  features  of  his  character.  A  soldier,  and  a 
brave  one,  he  knows  what  war  is,  and  therefore  he  abhors  it 
with  all  the  force  of  his  large  heart;  the  war  which  engages 
his  thoughts  is  war  upon  war  itself. 

It  would  not  befit  me  at  this  moment,  much  as  I  should 
wish  to  do  so,  to  extol  the  character  of  the  supreme  magis- 
trate of  my  country.  But  I  may  say  that,  though  a  soldier 
like  your  own  President,  he  detests  war  in  the  same  degree, 
and  that  the  ideals  and  aims  of  both  these  great  men  are  alike 
directed  toward  an  object  sublime  and  desired  of  all  men  — 
peace. 

The  nations  which  both  statesmen  govern  follow  their  lead 
in  this  respect  with  energetic  unanimity;  and  it  is  safe  to 
augur  the  happiest  results  from  a  concert  so  auspicious. 

You,  sir,  second  the  purposes  of  both  of  those  leaders  with 
a  zeal  which  nothing  can  cool;  your  mind  has  been  formed 


THE  VISIT  TO  IVIEXICO  167 

at  the  bar  —  in  the  school  of  justice;  and,  like  our  two 
Presidents,  you  abominate  injustice  and  insincerity. 

You  also  know  what  war  is,  and  you  share  the  aversion  of 
the  two  great  American  statesmen  who  are  the  standard 
bearers  of  peace  in  the  new  world. 

Welcome,  excellency,  to  this  ancient  capital  of  the  empire 
of  Montezuma.  She  opens  her  gates  to  you  and  to  your 
family,  and  offers  you  the  sincerest  hospitality,  hoping  you 
may  preserve  of  her  recollections  as  lasting  as  will  be  her 
memory  of  the  visit  of  one  whose  happy  mission  it  has  been 
to  carry  everywhere  the  spirit  of  peace,  good-will,  and 
fraternity. 

Mr.  Root's  Reply 

Governor  Landa,  your  welcome  now  is  as  it  has  been  from 
the  first  instant  of  my  visit,  both  graceful  and  grateful.  I 
have  been  most  delighted  by  the  many  interesting  things 
I  have  seen  here. 

Above  all  things,  I  feel  impelled  to  say  that  the  most 
interesting  thing  in  Mexico,  so  far  as  my  knowledge  goes, 
is  your  President.  It  has  seemed  to  me  that  of  all  the  men 
now  living,  Porfirio  Diaz,  of  Mexico,  is  best  worth  seeing. 
Whether  one  considers  the  adventurous,  daring,  chivalric 
incidents  of  his  early  career;  whether  one  considers  the  vast 
work  of  government  which  his  wisdom  and  courage  and 
commanding  character  have  accomplished;  whether  one  con- 
siders his  singularly  attractive  personality,  no  one  lives  today 
whom  I  would  rather  see  than  President  Diaz.  If  I  were  a 
poet,  I  would  write  poetry;  if  I  were  a  musician,  I  would  com- 
pose triumphal  marches;  if  I  were  a  Mexican,  I  should 
feel  that  the  steadfast  loyalty  of  a  lifetime  could  not  be  too 
much  in  return  for  the  blessings  that  he  had  brought  to  my 
coimtry.  As  I  am  neither  poet,  musician,  nor  Mexican,  but 
only  an  American  who  loves  justice  and  liberty  and  hopes  to 


168     LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

see  their  reign  among  mankind  progress  and  strengthen  and 
become  perpetual,  I  look  to  Porfirio  Diaz,  the  President  of 
Mexico,  as  one  of  the  great  men  to  be  held  up  for  the  hero 
worship  of  mankind. 

RECEPTION  BY  THE  CHAMBER  OF  DEPUTIES 

Speech  of  Licentiate  Manuel  Calero 

President  of  the  Chamber 

October  3,  1907 

Honorable  Secretary  of  State,  welcome;  the  national 
representation,  the  chamber  that  constitutionally  symbo- 
lizes that  people  which  in  this  section  of  the  western  hemi- 
sphere, is  ever  striving,  ever  struggling  to  attain  a  higher 
civilization,  to  win  for  itself  a  respected  name  among  nations, 
feels  pleasure  in  welcoming  you  to  its  midst.  You  are 
at  the  present  moment  the  symbolical  representation  of  a 
great  and  friendly  people  and  the  personification  of  its 
brotherly  feelings  toward  us.  You,  honored  sir,  are  our 
guest;  and  were  the  traditional  chivalry  of  our  people  not 
sufficient  justification  for  our  cordiality  toward  you,  the  high 
character  of  your  office,  the  luster  encircling  your  name,  and 
the  mission  of  peace  which  brings  you  to  this  land,  would  all 
move  us  to  open  our  arms  to  you,  to  show  you  what  we  are 
and  what  we  would  be,  so  that,  on  returning  to  your  country, 
you  may  tell  the  millions  of  your  fellow-citizens  who  will  hang 
upon  your  words  with  rapt  attention,  that  Mexico  is  not  that 
mythical  land,  which  legends  shroud  in  the  mists  of  the 
adventurous  romance  of  the  old  Latin  countries,  restless, 
mistrustful,  dreamy;  nay  rather,  you  will  tell  them,  that  it  is 
a  sturdy  young  nation,  starting  out,  aye,  already  started, 
on  the  highroad  of  civilization  and  industrialism;  that  it 
pursues  lofty  ideals  and  strives  to  attain  them,  that  its  heart 
beats  at  the  thought  of  universal  solidarity,  that  it  sees  in  the 
foreigner  a  friend,  that  it  answers  your  brotherly  message 


THE  VISIT  TO  MEXICO  169 

with  a  frank  and  kindly  greeting,  free  from  resentment  for 
the  past,  and  trusting  in  the  omens  of  the  future. 

Your  name  is  not  unknown  to  us.  We  have  followed  the 
trail  of  your  labors  and  triumphs  for  the  last  decade.  We 
know,  too,  the  people  from  whom  you  have  come;  and  setting 
aside  all  false  modesty,  can  truly  say  we  know  them  better 
than  they  know  us.  The  last  thirty  years  of  free  intercourse 
between  this  country  and  yours  have  seen  an  overflow  of  men 
and  money  from  north  to  south;  we  have  dashed  the  mist 
from  our  eyes  and  have  endeavored  to  wring  from  you, 
more  fortunate  and  wiser  than  ourselves,  the  secrets  of  your 
greatness  and  the  causes  of  your  astounding  prosperity. 

That  you  once  wronged  us,  that,  when  burning  political, 
economic,  and  humane  problems  beset  you,  the  course  of 
justice  was  momentarily  hampered,  we  have  not  forgotten; 
we  have  not.  But  as  the  years  have  rolled  on  you  have  won 
back,  inch  by  inch,  your  place  in  our  affections;  the  inter- 
course every  day  has  become  closer  and  closer  between  your 
people  and  ours,  stepping  over  the  bounds  set  by  race  and 
tongue,  infusing  new  life  into  this  feeling  of  mutual  good 
will  and  friendship,  which  tends  to  establish  harmony  of 
ideals  and  close  similarity  of  destiny. 

So  it  is  happening  and  so  should  it  be.  Offsprings  of  the 
same  continent,  your  institutions  point  out  the  path  for 
the  development  of  ours,  your  mental  and  moral  advance 
fires  the  vigor  of  our  spirit,  your  tireless  activity  excites  us  to 
action;  in  a  word,  your  progress  uplifts  our  noblest  ambi- 
tions. We  are  both  marching  on  to  the  victories  of  civiliza- 
tion, although  your  lot,  in  the  course  of  history,  shall  have 
been  that  of  forerunners. 

One  of  your  scholars  has  said  that  the  American  nation  has 
rendered  five  eminent  services  to  the  world's  civilization. 
True  are  his  words.  For  the  American  nation  has,  in  the 
first  place,  sustained  by  word  and  by  deed,  the  principle  that 


170     LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

the  medium  of  bringing  differences  between  nations  to  an 
end,  is  arbitration;  it  has  accepted  and  practised  religious 
toleration  as  has  no  other  nation;  it  has  known  how  to  raise 
the  dignity  of  man,  by  giving  to  the  political  vote  the 
development  which  a  true  democracy  calls  for;  it  has  thrown 
open  its  doors  to  all  such  as  seek  progress  and  liberty  in 
your  country,  and  it  has  taken  them  in  to  form  part  of 
one  and  the  same  great  soul;  and  lastly,  it  has  known,  as 
no  other  nation  has,  how  to  scatter  abroad  material  bene- 
fits, the  very  basis  of  the  moral  and  mental  perfection  of 
the  individual.  To  these  factors  and  to  others  derived  from 
the  conditions  of  its  privileged  soil,  is  due  the  great  impor- 
tance of  the  American  people  as  a  powerful  force  in  the 
progress  of  humanity. 

I  shall  not  attempt  to  analyze  in  their  essence  these  five 
glorious  victories  of  civilization.  My  mind  is  dazed  by  the 
victory  of  democracy  through  the  true  action  qf  the  suffrage. 
This  is  the  germ,  the  primary  origin  of  your  greatness  as  a 
people,  which  makes  you  the  beacon  for  the  eager  gaze  of  all 
those  who,  down-trodden  by  power  or  by  poverty,  seek  under 
the  shelter  of  your  wise  laws,  the  guarantee  of  life,  liberty, 
and  the  pursuit  of  happiness,  to  quote  the  sacred  formula  of 
your  Declaration  of  Independence;  this  it  is  which  explains 
why  neither  the  difference  of  race  and  language,  nor  the 
morbid  influence  produced  in  the  mind  by  secular  despotism, 
nor  the  infinite  diversity  of  religion,  is  an  obstacle  to  the 
hundreds  of  thousands  of  helpless  beings  whom  year  by 
year  the  Old  World  is  casting  on  your  shores,  to  be  trans- 
formed into  citizens  and  become  identified  with  the  new 
fatherland,  as  if  the  national  spirit  had  breathed  into  the 
souls  of  these  new  arrivals  Jove  for  your  glorious  traditions 
and  your  lofty  ideals  of  liberty,  justice,  and  progress.  The 
American  fatherland  is  not  hemmed  in  by  battlements;  it 
is  the  redeemer  of  all  miseries,  it  is  the  refuge  of  all  those  who. 


THE  VISIT  TO  IVIEXICO  171 

in  their  flight  from  tyranny,  like  your  illustrious  Carl  Schurz, 
exclaim;  ubi  lihertas,  ihi  patrial 

We,  less  blessed  by  fortune,  but  no  whit  less  rich  in  ideals 
and  lofty  aspirations,  find  pleasure  in  studying  yoiu*  people. 
We  shall  endeavor  to  reap  benefits  from  the  lessons  of  your 
success,  and  we  shall  try  to  avert  the  great  evils  which  are 
born  of  a  prosperity  such  as  yours,  and  which  would  under- 
mine the  walls  of  your  civilization,  did  there  not  arise  from 
out  of  your  midst  men  of  great  virtue  and  indomitable 
strength  of  will,  armed  for  the  fray  against  guilt,  combating 
evil,  true  apostles  of  right.  Theodore  Roosevelt  is  such  a 
man,  the  most  conspicuous  of  our  times,  the  ardent  devotee 
of  justice,  who  claims  for  good  citizens,  for  the  rich  and  the 
poor,  the  proud  and  the  humble,  perfect  equality  and  liberty 
unrestrained,  without  which  lawful  energies  may  not  expand; 
and  demands  alike  for  all  equal  justice,  equal  treatment, 
"  a  square  deal  *'  —  to  use  his  own  concise  and  vigorous 
phrase. 

This  it  is  which  explains  the  whole-hearted  prestige  won  by 
your  Chief  Executive  within  the  limits  of  your  own  coun- 
try, and  which  has  passed  the  bounds  of  your  territory  and 
been  merged  in  the  international  prestige  accorded  to  him  by 
aU  cultured  nations.  And,  in  no  small  measure,  did  you  with 
your  knowledge,  your  ceaseless  labor  and  your  delicate  tact 
contribute  to  this  happy  end.  Thus  the  world  has  seen  how 
the  voice  of  Theodore  Roosevelt,  outreaching  the  roar  of  the 
cannons  of  Mukden,  put  an  end  to  the  war  which  in  shame  to 
human  culture  heralded  the  dawn  of  the  twentieth  century; 
it  has  seen  how,  in  deference  to  his  initiative,  the  cultured 
nations  of  the  world  hastened  to  meet  at  The  Hague  Confer- 
ence, and  how,  as  a  reward  for  his  constant  efforts,  united 
with  those  of  the  glorious  Chief  Executive  of  this  republic, 
who  now  receives  you  with  every  mark  of  honor,  the  dis- 
orders in  the  neighboring  republics  to  the  south  were  paci- 


172     LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

fied,  and  these  are  now  making  ready  for  a  work  of  peace 
and  harmony,  —  the  beginning  of  that  longed-for  era  of 
prosperity. 

The  international  importance  achieved  by  your  govern- 
ment and  your  country  had  its  beginning  when  President 
Monroe  gave  to  the  world  his  famous  doctrine,  so  debated, 
so  misunderstood,  and  perhaps  so  dangerous,  if  —  as  has 
sometimes  been  thought  —  it  might  be  used  as  a  means  of 
illegitimate  preponderance  at  the  expense  of  the  sovereignty 
of  other  nations.  The  Monroe  Doctrine  embodies,  neverthe- 
less, and  we  should  not  hesitate  to  say  so,  the  first  principle 
of  international  law  of  a  great  part  of  this  continent,  if  not 
the  whole.  This  it  means  for  us  Mexicans,  ever  since  the 
President  of  the  Republic  announced  it  to  Congress  in  his 
memorable  message  of  April,  1896,  received  with  general 
acclamation  by  the  national  representatives,  and  later  by  the 
whole  country.  The  integrity  of  the  nations  of  this  conti- 
nent is  of  vital  interest  to  all,  collectively,  and  not  alone  to  the 
country  immediately  affected.  Any  attack  on  this  integrity 
should  constitute  an  offense  in  the  eyes  of  the  other  nations 
of  America.  Accordingly,  one  of  our  great  thinkers  and 
statesmen  has  wisely  said:  **  America  for  Americans  means 
each  country  for  its  own  people,  to  the  exclusion  of  all 
foreign  interference,  whether  this  comes  from  other  countries 
of  this  continent  or  whether  it  comes  from  any  other  nation 
whatsoever.  And  we  in  our  trying  struggles  of  the  past  have 
given  ample  proof  to  the  whole  world  of  our  homage  to 
independence  and  our  hatred  of  all  foreign  intervention  "  — 
to  use  President  Diaz's  own  words. 

From  among  the  various  formulas  adopted  by  the  inter- 
preters of  the  Monroe  Doctrine,  we  Latin  American  nations 
should  gather  and  keep  as  a  precious  pledge,  that  which 
Theodore  Roosevelt  embodied  in  his  famous  speech  delivered 
on  the  occasion  of  the  opening  of  the  Buffalo  Exposition. 


THE  VISIT  TO  MEXICO  173 

Addressing  the  republics  of  the  New  World,  the  illustrious 
statesman,  then  Vice-President  of  the  United  States  of 
America,  said: 

I  believe  with  all  my  heart  in  the  Monroe  Doctrine.  This  doctrine  is  not 
to  be  invoked  for  the  aggrandizement  of  any  one  of  us  here  on  this  conti- 
nent at  the  expense  of  any  one  else  on  this  continent.  It  should  be  regarded 
simply  as  a  great  international  Pan  American  policy,  vital  to  the  interests 
of  all  of  us.  The  United  States  has  and  ought  to  have,  and  must  ever 
have,  only  the  desire  to  see  her  sister  commonwealths  in  the  western 
hemisphere  continue  to  flourish,  and  the  determination  that  no  Old  World 
power  shall  acquire  new  territory  here  on  this  western  continent.  We  of 
the  two  Americas  must  be  left  to  work  out  our  own  salvation  along  our 
own  Unes;  and  if  we  are  wise  we  will  make  it  understood  as  a  cardinal 
feature  of  our  joint  foreign  policy  that,  on  the  one  hand,  we  will  not  submit 
to  territorial  aggrandizement  on  this  continent  by  any  Old  World  power, 
and  that,  on  the  other  liand,  among  ourselves  each  nation  must  scrupu- 
lously regard  the  rights  and  interests  of  the  others,  so  that,  instead  of  any 
one  of  us  committing  the  criminal  folly  of  trying  to  rise  at  the  expense  of 
our  neighbors,  we  shall  all  strive  upward  in  honest  and  manly  brotherhood, 
shoulder  to  shoulder. 

And  you,  honored  sir,  have  not  been  less  explicit.  Your 
words,  pronounced  on  a  memorable  occasion  during  your 
recent  visit  to  South  America,  before  all  the  free  peoples  of 
this  continent  gathered  together  at  the  third  Pan  American 
Conference,  should  be  disclosed,  should  reach  the  ears  of  my 
fellow-citizens,  for  these  very  words  of  yours,  as  President 
Roosevelt  solemnly  declared  in  his  last  message  to  the  Con- 
gress of  the  United  States,  have  revealed  to  all  who  doubted 
the  spirit  of  complete  equality  which  inspired  the  Monroe 
Doctrine,  what  is  the  attitude  of  the  United  States  towards 
the  other  American  republics,  and  what  its  purposes.  You 
declared  then: 

We  wish  for  no  victories  but  those  of  peace;  for  no  territory  except  our 
own;  for  no  sovereignty  except  the  sovereignty  over  ourselves.  W^e  deem 
the  independence  and  equal  rights  of  the  smallest  and  weakest  member  of 
the  family  of  nations  entitled  to  as  much  respect  as  those  of  the  greatest 
empire;  and  we  deem  the  observance  of  that  respect  the  chief  guaranty  of 


174     LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

the  weak  against  the  oppression  of  the  strong.  We  neither  claim  nor  desire 
any  rights  or  privileges  or  powers  that  we  do  not  freely  concede  to  every 
American  republic.  We  wish  to  increase  our  prosperity,  to  expand  our 
trade,  to  grow  in  wealth,  in  wisdom,  and  in  spirit;  but  our  conception  of  the 
true  way  to  accomplish  this  is  not  to  pull  down  others  and  profit  by  their 
ruin,  but  to  help  all  friends  to  a  common  prosperity  and  a  common  growth, 
that  we  may  all  become  greater  and  stronger  together. 

You  spoke  words  of  truth,  and  know,  honored  sir,  that  those 
are  also  our  aspirations,  those  our  aims;  and  thither  we  wend 
our  way,  with  the  constant  steadiness  which  the  Mexican 
people  showed  in  its  struggles  for  liberty  and  the  attainment 
of  the  great  principles  already  embodied  in  our  constitu- 
tion and  laws.  Deign  to  believe  it,  and  when  you  return  to 
the  fatherland,  pray  do  not  ever  forget  that,  if  we  have 
showered  on  you  the  hospitality  such  as  is  only  offered  to  a 
friend,  it  is  because  your  ideals  are  ours,  because  we  citizens 
of  this  land,  no  less  than  those  of  yours,  accept  as  the 
supreme  dogma  of  our  political  religion  the  immortal  words 
of  President  Lincoln,  that  "government  of  the  people,  by 
the  people,  and  for  the  people  shall  not  perish  from  the 
earth." 

Mr.  Root's  Reply 

I  AM  doubly  sensible  of  the  high  honor  which  you  have  con- 
ferred upon  me  by  this  audience  today.  I  am  sensible  also 
of  the  great  mark  of  friendship  to  my  country  involved  in 
the  reception  of  one  of  her  officers  in  this  distinguished  man- 
ner by  the  lawmaking  —  the  popular  lawmaking  —  body  of 
this  great  republic.  I  sincerely  hope,  not  merely  that  I 
personally  may  never  do  aught  to  show  myself  unworthy  of 
your  consideration,  but  that  my  country  may  forever,  in  its 
attitude  and  conduct  toward  the  people  of  Mexico,  justify 
your  kindness. 

You  will  gather  from  my  words,  which  your  president  has 
been  good  enough  to  quote  in  the  admirable  and  graceful 
address  he  has  just  made,  that  I  am  one  of  those  who  believe 


THE  VISIT  TO  MEXICO  175 

that  the  old  days  when  nations  sought  to  enrich  themselves 
by  taking  away  the  wealth  of  others  by  force,  ought  to  pass 
and  are  passing.  I  believe,  and  I  am  happy  to  know  that 
the  great  mass  of  my  countrymen  believe,  that  it  is  not  only 
more  Christian,  not  only  more  honorable,  but  also  more  use- 
ful and  beneficial  for  all  nations,  and  especially  all  neighbor- 
ing nations,  to  unite  in  helping  each  other  create  more  wealth, 
so  that  all  may  be  rich  and  prosperous,  rather  than  to  seek 
to  take  it  away  from  each  other. 

I  find  here  in  this  sanctuary  of  laws,  in  this  body  charged 
with  making  the  laws,  the  most  interesting,  the  most  impor- 
tant, and  the  most  sacred  thing  in  the  republic  of  Mexico. 
I  am  not  immindful  of  the  difficulties  which  confront  you, 
gentlemen  of  the  Chamber  of  Deputies,  in  the  task  that  you 
perform  for  your  country.  The  discussion  of  public  ques- 
tions, the  reconciliation  of  differing  opinions,  the  adjustment 
of  different  local  interests  all  over  this  vast  country,  the 
reaching  of  just  conclusions,  the  compromises  necessary  so 
often  between  different  interests,  present  to  the  members  of 
a  legislative  body  of  a  republic  difficulties  little  understood 
by  the  people  at  large  and  requiring  for  their  solution  the 
highest  order  of  ability,  self-denial,  and  love  of  country.  I 
beg  you  to  take  my  testimony,  coming  from  another  land 
long  engaged  in  grappling  with  the  same  kind  of  difficulties; 
I  beg  you  to  take  my  testimony  that  the  troubles  of  your 
body  in  legislating  for  your  country,  and  those  which  you  are 
to  encounter  in  the  future,  are  not  peculiar  to  your  country, 
to  your  race,  to  your  institutions,  to  your  customs.  They 
inhere  in  the  task  before  every  legislative  body  representing 
the  vastly  differing  interests,  opinions,  sentiments,  and 
desires  of  a  people. 

Mr.  President  and  gentlemen  of  the  Chamber  of  Deputies, 
it  is  my  sincere  desire  and  the  desire  of  my  countrymen,  that 
in  the  performance  of  this  task  for  the  republic  of  Mexico 


176     LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

you  may  be  guided  in  wisdom  and  in  peace.  May  you  pos- 
sess that  self-restraint  which  is  so  necessary  to  the  preserva- 
tion and  security  for  property,  for  enterprise,  and  for  hfe, 
guarding  you  always  from  unwise  extremes,  leading  you 
always  to  test  every  question  of  legislation  by  sound  prin- 
ciples taught  by  history.  May  you  always,  and  every  one 
of  you,  be  so  inspired  by  love  of  country,  that  you  may  be 
able  to  sink  all  personal  ambitions  and  interests,  to  do  only 
that  which  is  for  the  benefit  of  your  country;  so  that  through 
your  actions  and  inspired  by  your  example  the  spirit  of 
nationality  which  I  see  growing  among  the  people  of  Mexico, 
may  continue  to  increase  until  it  is  the  living  and  controlling 
spirit  of  all  the  people  from  the  Gulf  to  the  Pacific.  May 
you  have  in  your  deliberations  and  your  action  something  of 
the  self-sacrificing  spirit  of  the  humble  priest  Hidalgo,  which, 
without  ambition  on  his  part,  with  no  other  motive  but  the 
love  of  his  country,  has  written  his  name  among  the  great 
benefactors  of  humanity.  May  you  have  something  of  the 
patriotism  and  genius  of  Benito  Juarez,  which  enabled  him 
with  his  strong  hand  to  take  Mexico  out  of  the  conditions  of 
warring  factions  when  individual  ambition  rose  above  the 
love  of  country.  May  you  have  something  of  that  constancy 
and  high  courage  which  has  made  for  the  soldier  and  the 
statesman  who  now  sits  in  the  chair  of  the  chief  magistrate 
of  Mexico,  a  place  in  history  above  scores  and  hundreds  of 
emperors  and  kings  with  high-sounding  title  and  no  record 
in  life  but  the  desire  for  personal  advancement. 

And  so,  members  of  the  Chamber  of  Deputies  —  may  I 
say,  my  friends  —  brothers  in  the  work  of  seeking  by  law 
to  advance  the  peace  and  prosperity  of  mankind  —  may  you 
be  able  to  bring  in  the  rule  of  justice,  of  ordered  liberty,  of 
peace,  of  happy  homes,  of  opportunity  for  children  to  rise, 
of  opportunity  for  old  age  to  pass  its  days  in  peace.  My 
brother  workers  in  the  cause  of  popular  government,  of 


I  THE  VISIT  TO  MEXICO  177 

human  rights  and  human  happiness,  I  thank  you  for  the 
opportunity  to  say,  "  God  bless  you  in  your  labors  ",  which 
will  always  have  my  sympathy  and  the  sympathy  of  my 
people. 

LUNCHEON  BY  THE  AMERICAN  COLONY 
Speech  of  General  C.  H.  M.  t  Agramonte 

At  the  Mexican  Country  Club,  October  4,  1907 

As  chairman  of  a  committee  of  the  American  colony,  the 
pleasant  duty  devolves  upon  me  to  welcome,  in  behalf  of  the 
colony,  an  illustrious  countryman,  and  a  prominent  member 
of  the  official  family  of  the  President  of  the  United  States, 
the  Secretary  of  State. 

The  opportunity  has  been  afforded  us  through  one  of  those 
many  acts  of  exquisite  courtesy  for  which  the  Government  of 
Mexico  is  noted  in  its  intercourse  with  those  of  us  from  north 
of  the  Rio  Grande,  and  to  which  unfailing  courtesy  we  can  all 
bear  witness. 

For  the  kindly  spirit  that  actuated  the  Mexican  Govern- 
ment in  breaking  in  upon  the  official  program  for  the  enter- 
tainment of  its  guest  —  our  countryman  —  and  placing  him 
in  our  hands  for  this  occasion,  we  are  extremely  grateful. 
For  the  graceful  act  of  the  Mexican  Country  Club  in  permit- 
ting us  the  use  of  this  magnificent  building  in  which  to 
entertain  our  guest  there  is  no  lack  of  appreciation. 

As  Americans,  knowing  our  own  people  and  our  own  coun- 
try as  we  do,  and  keenly  alive  to  everything  that  may  obtain 
f  for  its  weal  or  its  woe,  our  very  absence  from  it  making  our 
hearts  grow  fonder  of  it,  the  joy  we  feel  in  welcoming  one 
who  has  held  the  bright  banner  of  our  country  full  high 
advanced,  is  greater  than  any  words  of  mine  can  express. 

We  love  our  country;  we  love  it  as  the  blessed  consumma- 
tion of  human  hopes.  The  world  has  been  full  of  sorrow. 
The  tearful  eyes  of  humanity  have  never  been  dry;  but  in  this 


178     LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

western  world,  on  this  new  continent,  stretching  from  ocean 
to  ocean,  in  the  maturity  of  the  ages  has  come  forth  a  nation 
whose  institutions  and  example  shall  aid  in  lifting  the  nations 
of  the  world  into  the  sunlight  of  God's  glorious  liberty. 

We  have  no  king,  no  royal  family  upon  which  can  be  cen- 
tered the  loyal  emotions  of  a  great  people.  To  us  the  only 
representative  of  the  whole  people  is  the  glorious  banner 
"  thick  sprinkled  "  with  stars  and  striped  with  vivid  red  and 
white. 

You,  sir,  have  held  aloft  that  banner.  You  have  added  to 
the  glory  of  our  country. 

On  the  sacred  field  of  Gettysburg,  ground  consecrated  by 
torrents  of  American  blood,  Abraham  Lincoln,  President  of 
the  United  States,  gave  to  us  a  classic  which  will  live  while 
our  country  exists.  You,  sir,  in  your  exposition  of  the  atti- 
tude of  the  United  States  toward  other  countries,  have 
enunciated  a  classic  that  also  will  live  and  be  a  bond  of 
friendship  between  us  and  all  the  nations  of  this  hemisphere. 

Gentlemen,  I  will  read  to  you  that  classic: 

We  wish  for  no  victories  but  those  of  peace;  for  no  territory  except  our 
own;  for  no  sovereignty  except  the  sovereignty  over  ourselves.  We  deem 
the  independence  and  equal  rights  of  the  smallest  and  weakest  member  of 
the  family  of  nations  entitled  to  as  much  respect  as  those  of  the  greatest 
empire;  and  we  deem  the  observance  of  that  respect  the  chief  guaranty  of 
the  weak  against  the  oppression  of  the  strong.  We  neither  claim  nor  desire 
any  rights  or  privileges  or  powers  that  we  do  not  freely  concede  to  every 
American  republic. 

With  such  dignified  sentiments  resounding  in  our  ears, 
have  we  not  reason  to  be  proud  of  our  guest  ? 

And  now,  sir,  in  the  name  of  the  American  colony  of 
Mexico,  I  bid  you  welcome.  Yes,  thrice  welcome !  May  every 
choice  blessing  attend  upon  you  and  those  you  hold  dear. 


THE  VISIT  TO  MEXICO  179 

Mr.  Root's  Reply 

It  is  a  long  way  from  the  Bowery,  but  I  feel  quite  at  home! 
It  is  delightful  to  feel  that  my  country  is  represented  in  this 
land  of  beauty  by  so  many  handsome  and  cheerful-looking 
men;  it  is  delightful  to  see  the  evidences  of  prosperity  in  every 
American  here,  and  it  is  dehghtful  to  see  that  that  subtle, 
indefinable  quickening  of  spirit  that  comes  from  separation 
has  given  to  each  of  you,  exiles  in  a  foreign  land,  a  new  signifi- 
cance in  every  star  and  stripe  and  every  reference  to  the  old 
flag  and  the  old  home. 

Your  welcome  is  very  grateful  to  me;  your  kind  expres- 
sions I  most  heartily  reciprocate.  I  do  not  wish  to  return 
evil  for  good  by  preaching,  but  it  occurs  to  me  that  you  have 
—  I  will  not  say  that  you  have  left  your  country  for  your 
country's  good  —  you  have  not  abandoned  your  opportu- 
nities to  serve  her;  you  have  rather  reached  the  position 
where  you  have  new  opportunities  for  service  as  American 
citizens.  One  serious  fault  which  formerly  existed  to  a  very 
great  extent  among  Americans,  and  which  has  been  growing 
less,  was  a  certain  provincial  and  narrow  way  of  looking  at 
foreigners.  There  was  a  good  deal  of  truth  underlying  the 
observations  and  characterizations  of  Mr.  Dickens  which 
made  our  people  so  angry  sixty  or  seventy  years  ago.  One 
of  our  American  humorists  refers  to  the  people  of  a  western 
mining  camp  as  looking  upon  a  newcomer  with  the  idea  that 
he  had  the  defective  moral  quahty  of  being  a  foreigner.  Now 
the  residuum  of  that  old  feeling  stands  in  the  way  of  Ameri- 
can trade  and  American  intercourse  generally  with  other 
nations.  No  one  can  do  more  to  hasten  the  disappearance  of 
that  attitude  than  you  who  have  experienced  the  friendship 
and  kindliness  of  the  people  of  this  foreign  country;  you  who 
have  learned  by  your  personal  experience  how  many  and 
how  noble  are  the  characteristics  of  this  foreign  people;  you 


180     LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

who  have  been  able  to  see  how  much  we  Americans  may  well 
learn  from  them;  you  can,  each  one  of  you,  be  a  teacher  of 
your  countrymen  in  your  continued  intercourse  with  your 
homes  and  your  home  associates  in  the  gospel  of  courtesy 
and  kindliness  toward  all  mankind. 

There  is  one  other  thought  that  comes  naturally  to  my 
mind.     You  not  only  have  not  abandoned  your  duties 
toward  your  country  by  coming  to  this  foreign  land,  but 
you  have  acquired  new  duties  toward  the  community  and 
the  nation  which  has  given  you  welcome  and  shelter  and 
prosperity.    There  is  underlying  all  the  materialism  and  the 
hard  practical  sense  of  the  American  people  regulating  its 
own  government  for  its  own  interests  —  there  is  underlying 
that  a  certain  idealism  which  carries  a  conception  of  a  mis- 
sionary calling  to  spread  through  the  length  and  breadth  of 
the  world  the  blessing  of  justice  and  liberty  and  of  the  insti- 
tutions which  we  believe  make  for  human  happiness  and 
human  progress.     That  mission  is  to  be  fulfilled,  not  by 
making  speeches  and  the  giving  of  advice,  the  writing  of 
books,  or  even  the  publication  of  newspapers;  it  can  best  be 
fulfilled  by  personal  influence  and  intercourse  of  men  one 
with  another.    No  American  who  is  in  a  foreign  land  can 
help  representing  his  country;  its  honor  and  its  good  name 
rest  upon  each  one  of  us  the  moment  we  cross  the  border. 
You  not  only  represent  your  country,  but  you  have  a  duty 
to  perform  toward  the  country  in  which  you  live,  giving  to 
her  and  to  her  people  through  your  efforts  and  all  your 
association   the   best   contribution   that   your   training   as 
American  citizens,  that  the  traditions  of  centuries  of  Ameri- 
can life  enable  you  to  give,  toward  the  maintenance  of  law 
and  order,  toward  the  promotion  of  all  ideas  that  you  have 
been  taught  in  your  youth  to  consider  sacred,  toward  holding 
up  the  hands  of  authority,  toward  the  inculcation  of  the 
sentiment  of  loyalty,  toward  the  perpetuity  of  the  govern- 


THE  VISIT  TO  MEXICO  181 

ment  which  gives  you  security  for  your  lives  and  your 
property  in  your  new  home. 

I  have  one  prominent  thought  in  meeting  you  today;  it 
is,  while  you  continue  to  be  good,  loyal  American  citizens, 
you  should  be  good  and  loyal  Mexican  residents.  I  can  no 
better  voice  the  sentiment  of  all  of  my  countrymen  here  I 
know,  and  I  can  no  better  represent  the  feelings  of  our  friends 
who  remain  at  home,  than  by  asking  you  to  rise  and  join  me 
in  drinking  to  the  long  continuance  of  life,  strength,  and 
usefulness  for  the  man  who,  more  than  any  other,  or  all 
others,  has  given  you  the  opportunities  that  you  now  enjoy. 
President  Porfirio  Diaz. 

MEXICAN  ACADEMY  OF  LEGISLATION  AND 
JURISPRUDENCE 

Speech  of  Licentiate  Luis  Mendez 

President  of  the  Academy 

At  the  Installation  of  Mr.  Root  as  an  Honorary  Member,  October  4,  1907 

Honored  Sir:  Because  of  the  office  I  am  temporarily  hold- 
ing, I  am  given  the  unexpected  honor  of  placing  in  your 
hands  the  diploma  that  entitles  you  to  honorary  membership 
in  the  Mexican  Academy  of  Legislation  and  Jurisprudence. 

You  have  come  to  the  country  of  snowy  mountains  and 
flowering  valleys  which  perfume  our  tropical  breezes,  pre- 
ceded by  the  meritorious  fame  of  having  preserved  always, 
unblemished  during  the  course  of  your  fruitful  life,  the 
reputation  and  profession  of  a  lawyer,  of  having  penetrated 
the  secrets  of  the  juridical  science  and  of  consecrating  today 
all  your  energies  and  abilities  to  the  service  of  your  country. 

By  a  happy  coincidence,  you  will  find  engraved  in  this 
parchment  as  our  motto:  "  Professional  Honor,  Science,  and 
Country  "  —  the  same  great  ends  that  have  consecrated 
your  life.  Never  was  the  diploma  bearing  this  motto 
confened  upon  a  more  meritorious  or  greater  man. 


182     LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

In  science,  you  have  not  been  the  selfish  investigator  nor 
in  the  service  of  your  country  have  you  confined  yourself  to 
directing  from  your  place  in  the  Cabinet  the  important 
matters  of  the  foreign  relations  of  a  world-power. 

Knowing  that  the  time  has  passed  for  studies  merely 
speculative,  and  that  at  the  present  day  every  scientific 
truth  cannot  be  such  unless  it  is  applicable,  you  have  most 
happily  found  time  to  scatter  the  treasures  of  your  studies, 
either  when  carrying  them  as  the  apostle  of  peace  and  concord 
to  other  countries,  or  through  your  invaluable  publications. 

The  Academy  could  hardly  be  indifferent  to  this  phase 
of  your  labors,  as  we  owe  to  it  the  great  satisfaction  of  know- 
ing you  intellectually  and  personally;  and  we  pay  you  our 
profound  respect. 

Therefore,  selecting  from  among  your  works  the  last  you 
have  published,  entitled  The  Citizen's  Part  in  Governmenty^  it 
was  agreed  that  we  should  offer  you  a  translation  of  the  same, 
in  the  hope  that  it  may  please  you  as  it  comes  from  the  able 
and  learned  pen  of  an  Academician  for  whom  you  have 
shown  particular  friendship  prior  to  this  time,  and  who  feels 
for  you  the  just  admiration  expressed  in  the  eloquent  words 
of  welcome  that  we  have  all  seconded. 

We  find  in  this  illuminating  work  of  yours  the  double 
revelation  of  the  genius  that  pursues  the  development  of  a 
great  idea,  and  of  the  generous  heart  that  instills  it  with  an 
ardor  that  will  make  it  successful. 

I  will  not  take  the  liberty,  Mr.  Secretary,  of  commenting 
on  the  selection  made  by  the  Academy;  but  I  can  assure 
you  that  the  collection  of  your  lectures  at  Yale  Univer- 
sity, appear  to  me  worthy,  for  the  clear  observation  and 
teaching  they  contain,  to  be  designated  as  the  text-book 

^  Yale  lectures  on  the  Responsibilities  of  Citizenship,  1907.  See  also:  Addresses 
on  Government  and  Citizenship^  by  Elihu  Root;  pp.  3-76.  Harvard  University 
Press,  1916. 


THE  VISIT  TO  MEXICO  183 

to  be  read  in  all  schools  by  youths  preparing  to  exercise 
the  rights  of  citizenship.  Therefore,  I  beg  you,  kindly  to 
accept  the  special  copy  of  this  translation  presented  by  the 
Academy. 

Among  those  who  devote  themselves  to  the  study  of  science 
in  general,  Mr.  Secretary,  and  more  particularly  among  those 
who  cultivate  one  special  branch,  is  formed  a  sort  of  fra- 
ternity of  feelings  and  affections  —  the  fruit  of  the  com- 
munion of  ideas  —  and  also  of  respect  caused  in  every  really 
broad  man,  for  the  talents  and  learning  of  others. 

This  fraternal  feeling  has  always  existed  among  the 
jurists  of  all  nations,  and  in  every  language  there  is  a  word  to 
describe  it:  companero,  in  our  Castilian  tongue;  confrere^  in 
French;  and  in  yours,  the  most  virile  and  the  most  expres- 
sive, you  use  the  word  brother. 

As  a  brother,  therefore,  this  Academy  has  the  honor  to 
receive  you  in  its  midst.  Foreign  though  it  is  by  virtue  of  its 
by-laws  to  all  matters  of  militant  politics,  the  Academy 
hopes  and  desires  that,  forgetting  for  a  moment  the  high 
official  functions  with  which  you  are  vested  and  recalling  the 
happy  times  when  you  were  simply  a  lawyer,  you  may  come 
to  us  to  aid  with  your  vast  knowledge  and  generosity  of 
character,  in  the  success  of  this  ideal:  '*  Justice  among  men 
and  justice  among  nations." 

We  hope,  sir,  that  when  once  more  in  the  calm  of  your 
honored  home,  far  from  the  madding  crowd  and  the  cares 
of  business,  in  the  company  of  the  two  beings  most  dear  to 
you,  who  as  a  blessing  may  come  to  your  side  to  fill  your 
affections  and  to  venerate  your  white  head;  when  in  that 
tranquillity  of  the  soul  you  may  recall  the  incidents  of  your 
busy  life,  we  hope  that  the  recollection  of  the  brief  days  you 
are  passing  among  us  may  be  pleasing,  and  that  in  the  depths 
of  your  heart  you  may  be  able  to  say:  **  I  went  to  Mexico  in 
search  of  friends,  and  I  found  brothers." 


•  •  • 


184     LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

Members  of  the  Academy,  and  Committees  of  Scientific 
Societies,  and  all  you  who  have  kindly  contributed  with  your 
presence  to  enhance  the  solemnity  of  this  function  in  honor 
of  an  illustrious  lawyer:  this  is  a  time  when  he  who  gives  gains 
more  than  those  who  receive.  Let  us  all  greet  the  reception 
of  the  new  Academician! 

y 

Speech  of  Licentiate  JoaquIn  D.  Casasus 

The  Mexican  Academy  of  Legislation  and  Jurisprudence  has 
intrusted  me  with  the  most  gratifying  task  of  expressing  in 
its  name  its  good  wishes  for  your  safe  arrival  in  our  midst, 
and  of  voicing  the  joy  it  experiences  at  being  afforded  the 
opportunity  of  publicly  testifying  to  the  high  respect  and 
esteem  in  which  it  holds  the  great  statesman,  the  eminent 
jurisconsult,  and  the  illustrious  orator  who  in  his  position  as 
Secretary  of  State  of  the  United  States  of  America  is  now 
amongst  us,  the  distinguished  guest  of  the  Mexican  nation. 

Had  I  taken  into  account  solely  my  own  merits,  notably 
deficient,  especially  when  measured  by  the  side  of  those  pos- 
sessed by  the  other  members  composing  our  academy,  I 
should  have  refused  such  a  high  distinction.  1  thought,  how- 
ever, I  could  discern  in  its  resolution  the  marked  purpose 
that  its  homage  should  reach  your  ears  through  the  echoes 
of  a  friend's  voice,  and  so  be  all  the  more  welcome  to  you. 
With  this  reason,  therefore,  in  mind,  I  did  not  hesitate  to 
accept  it.  Nay,  more;  this  has  made  me  think  once  and 
again  that  the  abundant  proofs  of  your  good-will  —  for  which 
I  shall  ever  remain  indebted  to  you  —  the  very  base  and 
foundation  of  our  friendship,  were  those  which  you  earnestly 
desired  to  convey  to  Mexico  in  the  person  of  him  who  was 
then  its  representative  in  Washington. 

The  Mexican  people,  from  the  very  moment  in  which  you 
set  foot  on  their  soil,  and  our  Government  from  the  time  it 
tendered  you  the  invitation  that  your  visit  to  Latin  America 


THE  VISIT  TO  IVIEXICO  185 

should  have  in  Mexico  its  fitting  end  and  crowning  point, 
have  proved  to  you,  in  abundant  measure,  by  manifestations 
of  every  kind,  that  their  earnest  desire  is  that  the  ties  which 
have  for  so  many  years  bound  us  to  your  country,  united  by 
common  interests  and  strengthened  by  common  ideals, 
should  every  day  grow  closer  and  closer.  They  have  also 
applauded  the  constant  zeal  shown  by  your  Government  in 
fostering  relations  more  and  more  cordial  with  the  republics 
of  America,  so  that,  inspired  by  the  same  spirit  and  guided 
by  the  same  policy,  they  should  make  this  western  continent 
of  ours  the  arena  of  the  peaceful  struggle  of  human  effort. 
Nor  do  we  deny  you  the  enthusiastic  and  universal  praise  of 
which  your  labor  as  Secretary  of  State  of  the  United  States 
of  America  is  deserving,  since  the  program  of  your  inter- 
national policy,  later  incorporated  by  President  Roosevelt 
into  his  last  message  to  Congress,  found  a  sympathizing  echo 
in  every  Mexican  heart;  that  program  which  you  made 
known  to  the  world  when,  having  the  Pan  American  con- 
ference for  your  tribune  and  the  whole  of  America  grouped 
around  you  for  your  audience,  we  were  all  welcomed  on  the 
hospitable  soil  of  the  noble  and  heroic  Brazilian  people. 

Nevertheless,  the  Mexican  Academy  of  Legislation  and 
Jurisprudence,  while  recognizing  your  merits  as  a  statesman, 
has  desired  to  confine  itself  to  honoring  the  lawyer  who  has 
brought  fame  and  glory  to  the  American  bar,  the  jurisconsult 
who  has  won  the  unstinted  admiration  of  all  the  nations 
ruled  by  democratic  institutions,  and  the  orator  whose 
eloquence  takes  us  back  to  the  times  of  the  Latins,  be  his 
voice  resounding  in  the  courts  of  justice,  or  heard  in  the 
academies  and  universities,  or  pealing  forth  clear  and 
inspired  in  the  popular  tribune. 

You,  honored  sir,  we  regard  as  the  perfect  type  of  the 
lawyer  who  has  known  how  to  perform  the  sacred  task  com- 
mended to  him  by  modern  society.    The  lawyer  is  a  priest 


186     LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

whose  duty  it  is,  in  the  bitter  battles  of  life  waged  by  human 
conflicting  interests,  to  fulfill  a  mission  of  peace  and  harmony. 
He  is  indeed,  the  champion  of  homes  when  persecuted  by 
human  cruelty;  he  who  strengthens  the  bonds  of  love  which 
maintain  the  family  union  untainted,  when  the  depravity  of 
customs  threatens  its  downfall.  In  stretching  out  a  helping 
hand  to  the  toiler  he  is  ever  a  master;  in  carrying  out  an 
equitable  distribution  of  fortunes  made,  an  adviser;  in  pro- 
claiming the  respect  due  to  the  law,  an  example  and  an 
authority  in  maintaining  its  prestige  in  the  social  community. 
His  knowledge  should  be  an  arsenal  from  which  to  arm  the 
weak  and  a  shield  with  which  to  protect  the  powerful;  his 
voice  should  be  beseeching  in  its  pleading  for  pardon  from 
society  for  those  who  by  their  crimes  undermine  its  founda- 
tions, but  inexorable  in  its  demand  when  in  the  name  of 
society  he  calls  for  punishment.  To  the  poor  who  strive  to 
defend  the  bread  earned  for  their  children,  he  is  a  stay; 
to  the  rich  who  worry  over  productive  investment  for  their 
fortunes,  a  guide;  and  if,  in  the  errors  committed  by  both 
sides  and  which  ever  tend  to  separate  them,  he  should  be 
equity;  then  to  put  an  end  to  the  struggles  into  which  they 
will  irreparably  be  drawn,  he  must  ever  be  justice  itself. 

And  you  have  been  all  this  in  your  exemplary  life  of 
lawyer;  this  is  what  has  won  for  you  the  love  of  the  poor,  the 
confidence  of  the  rich,  and  the  respect  of  the  whole  of  society; 
which  has  placed  you  in  the  fore  rank  of  the  distinguished 
men  of  the  American  bar,  from  which  only  the  pressing  need 
of  serving  the  greater  political  interests  of  your  country  could 
draw  you. 

Your  important  labors  as  a  statesman  and  jurisconsult  do 
not  call  forth  our  admiration  any  the  less. 

The  jurisconsult  of  our  days  is  not  only  he  who  in  the 
Roman  Forum  ex  solio  tanquam  ex  tripode  solved  the  conflicts 
which  arose  from  the  applying  of  the  law;  because  now 


THE  VISIT  TO  MEXICO  187 

the  part  taken  by  the  people  in  governmental  affairs  and  the 
ever-increasing  necessities  of  democratic  life  have  widened 
his  sphere  of  influence,  and  he  has  become  to  society  what  the 
lawj^er  has  been  to  the  individual  and  the  family.  The 
jurisconsult  is  a  mentor  of  nations;  in  the  midst  of  our 
eagerness  to  achieve  greater  prosperity  and  in  our  constant 
wrestle  as  citizens  to  form  part  of  the  public  administration, 
he  it  is  who  points  out  the  path  of  our  social  and  political  life, 
and  has  to  dictate  the  laws  which  should  conform  to  our 
customs  as  well  as  those  which  should  be  necessary  to  deter- 
mine its  evolution.  He  it  is  who,  standing  in  the  prow,  with 
gaze  fixed  on  the  distant  horizon,  steers  the  ship  through 
the  paths  which  guide  nations  to  the  haven  of  greater 
prosperity. 

And  you  belong  to  the  assembly  of  jurisconsults  who  are 
the  glory  and  pride  of  the  American  continent. 

Still  fresh  in  men's  minds  are  the  honors  you  reaped  in 
Yale  University  with  the  course  of  lectures  you  delivered  on 
the  part  to  be  taken  by  citizens  in  the  government.  Your 
lessons  have  taught  what  are  the  rights  to  be  exercised  by 
citizens  in  nations  ruled  by  democratic  institutions  and  what 
their  duties  in  order  that  governments  should  be  the  true 
representatives  of  the  people's  will. 

But  again,  the  academy  deems  it  but  just  to  accord  all 
honor  to  the  great  orator  whose  voice  all  America  has  been 
heeding  with  universal  approval  for  more  than  a  year;  heed- 
ing, because  that  voice  has  ever  been  the  expression  of  the 
lofty  ideals  which  America  has  been  pursuing  from  the  earliest 
days  of  her  freedom  and  independence. 

Nor  is  your  eloquence  the  fruit  of  meditation  and  study; 
it  savors  not,  like  that  of  Demosthenes,  of  the  midnight  oil. 
It  is  fresh  and  spontaneous,  such  as  ought  to  be  at  the  com- 
mand of  men  ever  ready  to  speak  to  the  people  of  their  rights 
and  duties  in  democracies.    It  abounds  always  in  that  cold 


188     LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

reasoning  and  that  inflexible  logic  which  alone  can  persuade 
and  convince. 

But  your  eloquence  contains,  besides,  all  the  warmth,  all 
the  majesty,  and  all  the  sparkle  of  the  Latin  eloquence. 

Plutarch  relates,  in  his  life  of  Cicero,  that  when  the  great 
orator  thrilled  the  inhabitants  of  Rhodes  with  his  speeches, 
Apollonius  Molon,  after  listening  to  him  one  day,  showed  no 
sign  of  admiration,  but  that  when  Cicero  had  finished  he  said : 
"  Cicero,  I,  no  less  than  the  others,  praise  and  admire  thee; 
but  I  weep  for  the  fate  of  Greece,  for  thou  hast  taken  to  Rome 
the  best  that  was  left  to  Greece  —  wisdom  and  eloquence." 

We  in  Latin  America,  less  selfish  than  Apollonius  Molon, 
do  not  weep;  rather  do  we  cheer  and  reward  the  orator  from 
whose  lips  we  have  heard  resound  the  accents  of  the  Latin 
eloquence. 

The  Mexican  Academy  of  Legislation  and  Jurisprudence, 
on  presenting  you  today  with  the  diploma  which  confers 
upon  you  the  degree  of  honorary  member,  has  desired  to 
make  known  to  the  whole  country  your  undoubted  merits  as 
lawyer,  jurisconsult,  and  orator,  and  on  this  solemn  occasion 
to  bestow  upon  you  its  highest  possible  distinction. 

Welcome  to  our  midst.  May  your  visit  to  Mexico  be 
fruitful  in  good  results  to  both  countries;  may  it  be,  above 
all,  one  more  tie  to  bind  the  sincere  and  unshaken  friendship 
which  unites  them  both;  and,  since  it  is  the  end  of  your 
triumphal  journey  to  Latin  America,  may  it  add,  in  your 
great  career  as  a  statesman,  fresh  fame  to  your  labor  and 
glory  to  your  illustrious  name. 

Mr.  Root's  Reply 

I  AM  highly  appreciative  of  the  very  great  honor  which  you 
have  now  conferred  upon  me.  It  is  all  the  more  grateful  to 
me  that  in  the  ceremony  which  makes  me  an  associate  of 
this  distinguished  body,  so  prominent  a  part  should  be  taken 


THE  VISIT  TO  MEXICO  189 

by  a  gentleman  who,  as  the  representative  of  Mexico  in  the 
capital  of  the  United  States,  has  not  only  taught  me  to  admire 
his  rare  intellectual  ability,  but  has  won  from  me,  by  the 
grace  and  purity  of  his  character,  the  warmth  of  friendship 
which  adds  especial  pleasure  to  every  new  association  with 
him  into  which  I  can  enter.  I  feel,  sir,  that  the  compliment 
which  you  have  paid  to  this  little  work  of  mine,  produced 
without  any  idea  that  it  should  receive  so  distinguished  an 
honor  or  find  its  way  so  far  from  home,  I  must  ascribe  rather 
to  friendship  than  to  any  intrinsic  merit  of  the  work;  but  I 
thank  you,  and  I  am  most  appreciative  of  the  honor  that 
you  do  me  in  causing  it  to  be  translated  into  Spanish  and 
making  it  the  subject  of  your  resolution. 

Circumstances  have  not  permitted,  and  do  not  permit, 
that  I  should  present  to  the  Academy  any  thesis  or  discussion 
adequate  to  be  associated  with  the  admirable  and  well-con- 
sidered papers  which  have  been  read  by  Mr.  Casasus  and 
yourself.  I  wish,  however,  in  addition  to  expressing  my 
thanks,  to  indicate  in  a  few  words  the  special  significance 
which  this  academy  and  my  new  association  with  it  seem 
to  me  to  have.  We  are  passing,  undoubtedly,  into  a  new 
era  of  international  communication.  We  have  turned  our 
backs  upon  the  old  days  of  armed  invasion,  and  the  people 
of  every  civilized  country  are  constantly  engaged  in  the 
p>eaceable  invasion  of  every  other  civilized  country.  The 
sciences,  the  literature,  the  customs,  the  lessons  of  experience, 
the  skill,  the  spirit  of  every  country,  exercise  an  influence 
upK)n  every  other.  In  this  peaceful  interchange  of  the  prod- 
ucts of  the  intellect,  in  this  constant  passing  to  and  fro 
of  the  people  of  different  countries  of  the  civilized  world,  we 
find  in  each  land  a  system  of  law  peculiar  to  the  country 
itself,  and  answering  to  what  I  believe  to  be  a  just  descrip- 
tion of  all  laws  which  regulate  the  relations  of  individuals 
to  each  other,  in  being  a  formulation  of  the  custom  of  the 


190     LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

civil  community.  These  systems  of  law  differ  from  each 
other  as  the  conditions,  the  customs  of  each  people  differ 
from  those  of  every  other  people.  But  there  has  arisen  in 
recent  years  quite  a  new  and  distinct  influence,  producing 
legal  enactment  and  furnishing  occasion  for  legal  develop- 
ment. That  is  the  entrance  into  the  minds  of  men  of  the 
comparatively  new  idea  of  individual  freedom  and  individual 
equality.  The  idea  that  all  men  are  bom  equal,  that  every 
man  is  entitled  to  his  life,  his  liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of 
happiness;  the  great  declarations  of  principle  designed  to 
give  effect  to  the  fundamental  ideas  of  liberty  and  equality, 
are  not  the  outcome  of  the  conditions  or  customs  of  any  par- 
ticular people,  but  they  are  common  to  all  mankind. 

Before  the  jurists  and  lawyers  of  the  world  there  lies  the 
task  of  adapting  each  special  system  of  municipal  law  to 
the  enforcement  of  the  general  principles  which  have  come 
into  the  life  of  mankind  within  so  recent  a  time,  and  which 
are  cosmopolitan  and  world-wide  and  belong  in  no  country 
especially.  These  principles  have  to  be  fitted  to  your  laws 
in  Mexico  and  our  laws  in  the  United  States  and  to  the 
French  laws  in  France  and  the  German  laws  in  Germany; 
and  the  task  before  the  jurists  and  lawyers  of  the  world  is  to 
formulate,  to  elaborate,  to  secure  the  enactment  and  the 
enforcement  of  such  practical  provisions  as  will  weld  together 
in  each  land  the  old  system  of  municipal  law,  which  regulates 
the  relations  of  individuals  with  each  other  in  accordance 
with  the  time-honored  traditions  and  customs  of  the  race 
and  country,  and  these  new  principles  of  universal  human 
freedom. 

Now,  that  task  is  something  that  cannot  be  accomplished 
except  by  scientific  processes,  by  the  study  of  comparative 
jurisprudence,  by  the  application  of  minds  of  the  highest 
order  in  the  most  painstaking  and  practical  way.  In  the  adap- 
tation of  these  new  ideas  common  to  all  free  people,  the 


THE  VISIT  TO  MEXICO  191 

best  minds  of  every  people  should  assist  every  other  people 
and  receive  assistance  from  every  other  people.  The  study 
of  comparative  jurisprudence,  apparently  dry,  purely  scienti- 
fic, is  as  important  to  the  well-being  of  the  citizen  in  the 
streets  of  Mexico  or  Washington,  as  those  scientific  observa- 
tions and  calculations  which  seem  to  be  purely  abstract  have 
proved  to  be  to  the  mariner  on  the  ocean  or  the  engineer  of 
the  great  works  of  construction  which  are  of  such  practical 
value;  and  we  ought  to  promote  by  the  existence  of  societies 
of  this  character  in  every  civilized  land  and  the  free  inter- 
course and  intercommunication  of  such  societies,  the  exis- 
tence of  such  a  spirit  of  comradeship  between  them  that 
they  can  freely  give  and  take  the  results  of  their  labors,  of 
their  experience,  and  of  their  skill. 

This  is  of  immense  practical  importance  in  the  administra- 
tion of  government  and  the  progress  of  ordered  liberty  in 
the  world;  for,  after  all,  the  declaration  of  political  principles 
is  of  no  value  imless  laws  are  framed  adequate  to  bring 
principles  down  to  the  practical  use  of  every  citizen,  and  the 
framing  of  such  laws  in  every  land  is  the  work  of  the  jurists 
of  the  land.  It  is  because  I  may  be  associated  with  you  in 
doing  what  little  a  lawyer  can  do  toward  helping  to  the 
accomplishment  of  this  great,  beneficent,  and  necessary  work 
for  civiUzation,  that  I  find  the  greatest  pleasure  in  accepting 
your  election  as  a  member  of  this  Academy,  and  find  cause  for 
gratification  beyond  that  of  mere  personal  vanity  or  personal 
feeling. 

Permit  me  to  express  the  warmest  good  wishes  for  the  con- 
tinued activity,  prosperity,  and  usefulness  of  this  distinguished 
body  which  has  so  greatly  honored  me  by  this  election. 


192    LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

BANQUET  OF  THE  AMERICAN  AMBASSADOR 
Speech  of  Ambassador  Thompson 

October  5,  1907 

Probably  not  before  has  there  been  such  a  gathering  of  dis- 
tinguished men  as  are  tonight  seated  at  this  table  at  the  foot 
of  the  famous  Castle  of  Chapultepec.  The  honored  Secre- 
tary of  State  of  the  American  nation  is  here,  the  guest  of  the 
great  Mexican  Republic,  with  such  honors  showered  upon 
him  as  should  not  and  will  not  soon  be  forgotten  by  a  friendly 
and  appreciative  people,  nor  by  the  immediate  recipient  of 
Mexico's  greeting. 

Personally,  I  feel,  I  am  sure,  no  less  satisfaction  than  Mr. 
Root  on  this  occasion,  a  dinner  given  by  me  in  honor  of  chiefs 
of  the  Mexican  nation  and  other  distinguished  Mexicans, 
for  the  purpose  of  demonstrating,  as  best  I  can,  my  regard  for 
them,  not  only  because  of  the  very  great  honor  Mexico  is 
doing  my  country  and  my  chief,  but  in  part  for  many  kindly 
and  friendly  acts  of  the  past.  That  the  chiefs  of  staff  of  the 
Mexican  President,  and  many  other  high  officials  of  nation 
and  state,  have  responded  to  an  invitation  with  their  pres- 
ence on  this  occasion,  thus  further  honoring  my  country, 
Mr.  Root,  and  myself,  calls  for  an  expression  of  good-will  that 
I  offer  as  a  toast  to  Mexico  and  its  illustrious  President, 
General  Diaz. 

Response  of  Vice-President  Corral 

In  the  name  of  my  colleagues  in  the  Mexican  Cabinet  and 
other  national  functionaries,  invited  to  this  banquet,  I  thank 
you  for  this  very  gracious  distinction. 

I  consider  myself  very  fortunate  to  address  such  a  dis- 
tinguished gathering  in  these  memorable  moments,  when 
the  Mexican  public  offers  its  hospitality  to  the  honorable 
Secretary  of  State  of  the  United  States,  Mr.  Elihu  Root,  one 


THE  VISIT  TO  MEXICO  193 

of  the  most  eminent  men  in  the  world,  both  for  his  wisdom 
and  his  political  works,  as  a  defender  of  the  rights  of  nations, 
and  as  the  courageous  knight  of  American  democracy  and 
universal  peace. 

It  is  very  satisfactory  for  Mexico  to  demonstrate  her 
sympathy  to  a  guest  of  such  high  merit;  and  I  assure  you, 
Mr.  Ambassador,  that  his  visit  to  this  country  will  create  new 
and  stronger  bonds  of  durable  friendship  between  the  two 
sister  republics  of  North  America,  and  will  be  a  new  element 
of  the  highest  value,  in  the  mission  of  concord  you  have 
accomplished  with  such  great  ability,  and  which  is  a  pro- 
found cause  of  satisfaction  to  us. 

I  thank  you  once  more  for  your  good  wishes  for  Mexico 
and  the  President  of  our  republic;  and,  in  my  turn,  I  have 
the  honor  to  invite  all  present  to  raise  their  cups  to  the 
powerful  nation,  the  United  States,  and  to  its  great  President, 
Theodore  Roosevelt. 

Reply  op  Mr.  Root 

I  APPRECIATE  the  high  honor  conferred  upon  me  by  the 
presence  of  the  Vice-President,  the  members  of  the  Cabinet, 
and  so  many  representatives  of  foreign  nations,  so  many  of 
whom  are  old  acquaintances  of  mine.  It  is  very  pleasing  to 
me  to  find  myself  among  you,  as  the  guest  of  the  oflScial 
representative  of  the  United  States  in  Mexico. 

I  beg  you  to  join  me  in  a  sentiment  which  is  not  personal 
—  the  economic  cooperation  of  Mexico  and  the  United 
States.  This  is  a  sentiment  which  will  be  concurred  in  by  all 
those  present,  as  it  will  redound  to  the  benefit  of  all  civilized 
countries  who  are  engaged  in  commercial  pursuits.  I  hope 
that  the  development  of  progress  may  follow  its  course  to  the 
end  that  the  two  countries  adjoining  each  other  for  thousands 
of  miles,  may,  by  means  of  mutual  commerce,  interchange  of 
capital,  labor,  and  the  fruits  of  intelligence  and  experience. 


194    LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

attain  the  results  reached  by  the  states  of  the  American 
Union,  regardless  of  the  distance  between  us,  because  of  our 
mutual  cooperation.  The  signs  of  the  times,  as  I  understand 
them,  show  a  possibility  of  an  increase  in  the  relations  between 
the  two  countries,  situated  so  closely  on  this  continent.  The 
whole  world  has  reached  a  state  of  progress  which  renders 
possible  better  economic,  political,  and  social  relations.  A 
repetition  of  the  war  of  1846  between  Mexico  and  the  United 
States  would  be  impossible  today;  —  it  would  be  impossible 
because  the  progress  of  each  country,  the  experience,  the  pru- 
dence of  their  governments,  the  knowledge  of  the  business  of 
Mexico  would  prevent  it;  general  public  sentiment  in  the 
United  States  would  also  be  opposed  to  it. 

The  European  invasion  of  Mexico,  in  the  year  1861,  would 
be  impossible  today;  no  one  of  the  three  nations  would  have 
any  thought  of  attempting  it  today.  An  attempt  to  estab- 
lish an  empire  here  neither  would  nor  could  be  thought  of 
as  possible. 

The  whole  world  has  advanced  to  a  degree  when  inter- 
national relations  and  interchange  of  courtesies  between 
nations  have  facilitated  the  establishment  of  peaceful  corre- 
spondence, which  would  not  have  been  possible  before, 
because  of  the  want  of  a  stability  in  their  relations. 

The  desire  to  advance  a  degree  towards  the  assurance  of 
intimate  relations  and  greater  friendship  has  caused  us  to 
accept  with  pleasure  the  kindly  and  gracious  invitation  of 
President  Diaz  to  visit  Mexico  —  a  visit  which  shall  remain 
a  source  of  pleasure  during  all  of  my  life,  and  during  which 
I  have  received  proofs  of  friendship  and  kindness  and  gener- 
ous hospitality  beyond  anything  I  expected,  and  for  which 
I  beg  you,  citizens  of  Mexico,  to  kindly  accept  my  sincerest 
gratitude. 


THE  VISIT  TO  MEXICO  195 

Response  of  Se5^or  Licenciado  Don  Jose  Ives  Limantour 
Minister  of  Finance 

You  have  come  to  this  country  with  the  assurance,  often 
reiterated  and  always  received  with  applause,  of  close  and 
sincere  brotherly  feeling  between  our  two  countries,  the 
permanence  of  which  is  guaranteed  by  our  common  ideals 
and  our  mutual  respect. 

Your  mission  challenges  our  warmest  sympathy.  Voices 
more  authoritative  than  mine  have  informed  you  of  this  fact, 
and  the  attitude  of  the  Mexican  people  is  its  corroboration. 
You  have  been  the  ai>ostle  of  a  grand  idea,  the  most  vital, 
perhaps,  of  any  affecting  the  international  politics  of  this 
continent  and  assuredly  the  only  one  capable  of  harmonizing 
the  interests  and  the  hearts  of  all  the  inhabitants  of  the  New 
World.  This  idea  consists  in  laying  down,  as  the  invariable 
basis  for  the  relations  of  the  countries  of  America  with  one 
another,  the  sacred  principles  of  justice,  and  the  territorial 
integrity  of  each  one  of  them. 

Such  being  the  pledge  which  we  have  from  your  lips,  and 
feeling  confident  that  the  immense  majority  of  your  country- 
men endorse  the  declaration  to  that  effect  made  by  you 
during  your  memorable  journey  of  last  year,  and  during  the 
journey  that  is  now  in  progress,  we  welcome  you  as  one 
welcomes  a  loyal  and  disinterested  friend,  without  the  mental 
reservation  that  one  sometimes  feels  in  clasping  the  hand  of 
the  great,  and  moved  by  the  hope  of  thus  contributing,  in  the 
best  manner  possible,  to  us,  towards  the  realization  of  an  aim 
that  is  commended  by  a  high  and  enlightened  patriotism. 

Mexico's  course  for  the  future  is  clearly  marked  out,  at  any 
rate  as  far  as  human  foresight  can  safely  reach.  Her  geo- 
graphical situation  and  the  conditions  governing  the  inter- 
national politics  of  America  assure  her,  as  long  as  the  views 
which  you  have  proclaimed  with  a  conviction  so  sincere, 


196    LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

predominate  in  your  country,  the  tranquillity  in  her  inter- 
national relations  which  she  needs  in  order  to  devote  herself 
to  intellectual  culture  and  to  the  development  of  her  abun- 
dant and  varied  natural  resources,  while  at  the  same  time 
offering  hospitality  to  all  well-meaning  persons  who  bring 
here  their  contingent  of  industry  and  civilization.  With  a 
program  such  as  this,  it  has  been  easy  —  and  will  be  still 
more  easy  in  the  future  —  to  regulate  our  conduct  towards 
you,  the  citizens  of  the  great  nation  beyond  the  Rio  Grande. 
You  will  always  be  welcome,  as  it  is  right  and  proper  that 
useful  and  agreeable  neighbors  who  give  proofs  of  their  desire 
to  be  on  good  terms  and  to  cooperate  in  all  of  the  works  of 
progress,  should  be;  and  I  believe  that  you  are  quite  con- 
vinced that  both  out  of  interest  and  good-will,  the  Mexican 
people  will  offer  you  every  facility  that  may  enable  you  to 
take  an  active  part  in  the  social  and  economic  development 
of  this  republic. 

It  is  far  from  my  thoughts,  at  the  present  moment,  to  extol 
the  virtues  and  the  good  qualities  of  my  countrymen.  I  may 
be  permitted,  however,  as  a  minister  of  finance,  to  say  a  few 
words  in  regard  to  one  or  two  economic  facts  that  have  an 
important  bearing  on  business  relations. 

Mexico,  at  the  present  time,  as  you  well  know,  is  not  a 
country  exclusively  engaged  in  mining  and  farming,  but  also 
carries  on  an  extensive  commerce  and  possesses  fairly 
prosperous  manufacturing  industries.  There  are  many  lines 
of  activity  demanding  industry,  intelligence,  and  capital,  and 
there  is  an  ample  field  for  the  utilization  of  all  elements  of 
that  nature  coming  to  us  from  abroad.  But  a  point  which  all 
persons  interested  in  Mexico's  business  affairs  will  do  well  to 
realize  is  the  honesty  and  prudent  habits  which  character- 
ize mercantile  transactions  in  this  country.  "  Booms  "  and 
"  bluffs  "  are  exotic  plants  which  can  with  difficulty  be 


THE  VISIT  TO  MEXICO  197 

acclimatized  here,  and  speculative  combinations  rarely  enter 
into  the  calculations  of  the  merchant. 

A  single  example  will  suffice  to  illustrate  the  characteristics 
to  which  I  am  referring.  In  that  period  of  stress  from  1892 
to  1894  when  the  country,  after  suffering  the  loss  of  several 
harvests  in  succession  and  the  ravages  of  a  severe  epidemic, 
was  further  tried  by  sudden  depreciation  of  silver,  which  in 
the  course  of  a  few  months  cut  the  gold  value  of  our  cur- 
rency in  half,  every  one  thought  that  the  economic  con- 
stitution of  the  nation  would  not  be  able  to  withstand  shocks 
so  repeated  and  formidable;  and  yet  we  continued  to  meet 
our  debts  with  religious  punctuality  and  it  was  noted  with 
surprise  that  not  a  single  failure  of  importance  occurred  in 
any  part  of  the  republic. 

We  may  be  charged  with  undue  timidity,  with  slender 
experience,  in  certain  methods  that  are  common  elsewhere 
in  the  initiation  of  business  undertaking.  But  these  deficien- 
cies and  others  which  no  doubt  are  ours  will  not  debar  us,  let 
us  hope,  from  being  permitted  to  join  the  grand  onward 
march  of  humanity,  and  particularly  of  that  portion  of  the 
human  family  inhabiting  the  New  World,  towards  higher 
conditions  of  physical  and  moral  welfare. 

Gentlemen,  let  us  raise  our  glasses  to  the  health  and 
happiness  of  our  distinguished  guest  and  his  most  estimable 
family.  Let  us  drink  to  the  hope  that  his  countrymen, 
taking  to  heart  the  gospel  which  he  has  proclaimed  through- 
out the  length  and  width  of  America,  may  become  the  firmest 
guarantors  of  lasting  peace  between  the  two  nations,  con- 
solidated by  warmth  of  mutual  regard  and  the  continued 
growth  of  common  interests. 


198    LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

BANQUET  OF  THE  MINISTER  FOR  FOREIGN  AFFAIRS 

Speech  of  Licentiate  Ignacio  Mariscal 

October  7,  1907 

YoxjR  presence  amongst  us  as  our  illustrious  guest  is  an  event 
which  will  leave  a  mark  in  the  history  of  Mexico,  for  yours 
is  not  only  the  visit  of  a  most  distinguished  American,  but 
also  of  the  best  representative,  without  the  usual  credentials, 
of  a  great  government  and  a  great  people.  The  fact  that 
your  visit  aims  at  no  diplomatic  business,  except  the  tight- 
ening of  the  bonds  of  friendship  between  our  two  countries, 
has  made  it  the  more  important  and  congenial  to  all  Mex- 
icans. Some  years  ago  we  had  here  other  prominent  and 
representative  Americans,  such  as  General  Grant  and  the 
Honorable  William  H.  Seward,  who  came  as  friendly  visi- 
tors wanting  to  know  Mexico  personally  and  be  known  by 
us.  Their  flying  visits  did  a  great  deal  of  good  in  promoting 
oflScial  and  popular  relations,  for  they  tended  to  a  real  sister- 
hood between  the  two  republics  of  North  America.  Yours, 
sir,  will  complete  that  most  important  international  work, 
since  your  high  personality  is  eminently  qualified,  especially 
under  the  present  circumstances,  to  increase  the  admiration 
and  respect  of  all  my  thinking  fellow-citizens  for  the  country 
of  Washington,  Lincoln,  and  Grant. 

We  know,  sir,  as  the  whole  world  knows,  the  considerable 
part  you  have  taken  in  the  peace-promoting,  civilizing  foreign 
policy  of  President  Roosevelt,  and  we  fully  appreciate  your 
frequent,  unequivocal  demonstrations  of  amicable  feeling 
toward  our  government  and  our  people.  For  that  reason 
you  have  been  cordially  welcomed  by  us  as  a  friend  coming 
among  true  friends.  May  your  brief  sojourn  in  this  country 
leave  you  a  souvenir  as  pleasant  as  the  one  it  has  already 
engraved  in  our  memory  and  our  hearts. 


THE  VISIT  TO  MEXICO  199 

Seeking  to  show  you  our  sincere  esteem  and  regard,  I 
propose  a  toast  to  your  honor,  not  as  a  ceremonious  courtesy, 
but  as  a  really  heartfelt  sentiment: 

**  Brindemos,  Senores,  por  nuestro  ilustre  hu^sped,  el 
Honorable  Senor  Elihu  Root." 

Mb.  Root's  Reply 

It  is  my  happy  fortune  to  reap  where  others  have  sown  and 
enter  into  the  fruits  of  others'  labors.  When  Mr.  Seward 
and  General  Grant  visited  Mexico,  your  people,  sir,  were 
little  known  to  the  people  of  the  United  States.  The  shadow 
of  a  war  still  recent  in  the  memory  of  men  hung  over  the 
relations  that  existed  between  the  two  countries,  the  shadow 
of  a  war  which,  thank  Heaven,  would  now  be  impossible. 
The  commanding  personality  of  General  Grant  made  his 
warm  friendship  for  Mexico  the  beginning  of  a  new  era  of 
feeling  and  appreciation  on  the  part  of  the  people  of  the 
United  States;  and  now  I  come  in  response  to  the  kind  and 
hospitable  invitation  of  your  distinguished  President,  not  to 
mark  out  the  pathway  to  friendship,  but  as  the  representative 
of  an  existing  feeling  of  friendship  on  the  part  of  my  country- 
men. 

I  have  been  deeply  appreciative  of  all  the  delicate  courtesy, 
the  warmth  of  friendship  and  hospitality  which  have  wel- 
comed me  and  my  family  here.  But  I  was  not  surprised.  It 
is  but  in  conformity  with  all  the  relations  which  have  existed 
between  the  department  of  foreign  affairs  of  Mexico  and  the 
department  of  foreign  affairs  of  the  United  States,  since  you, 
sir,  have  held  your  present  eminent  position. 

I  wish  not  merely  to  express  grateful  appreciation  for  the 
kindness  I  have  received  here,  but  to  express  the  same  senti- 
ment for  all  that  you  have  done  and  all  you  have  been  in  the 
relations  between  the  two  countries.    The  unvarying  cour- 


200    LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

tesy,  the  genuine  and  sincere  desire  for  the  reasonable  and 
friendly  disposal  of  all  questions  that  have  arisen  between 
the  two  countries,  which  have  characterized  the  office  of 
foreign  affairs  of  Mexico  have  been  a  great  factor  in  bringing 
about  the  happy  relations  that  now  exist.  And  we  may  say, 
with  gratification,  that  there  are  no  questions  between 
Mexico  and  the  United  States  which  can  give  the  slightest 
apprehension  or  cause  the  slightest  concern  as  to  their  easy 
and  satisfactory  adjustment. 

Of  course,  between  two  countries  with  so  long  a  common 
boundary,  whose  citizens  are  passing  to  and  fro,  whose  citi- 
zens are  investing  money,  each  in  the  country  of  the  other, 
questions  are  continually  arising;  but  the  all-important 
element  for  the  decision  of  every  question,  the  good  under- 
standing, kindly  feeling,  and  the  habit  of  conducting  relations 
upon  the  basis  of  reason  and  friendship,  practically  disposes 
in  advance  of  all  questions  which  can  arise. 

I  suppose  it  is  impossible  to  read  the  history  of  any  country 
without  feeling  that  the  mistakes  in  its  history  have  been 
the  result  of  a  shortsighted,  narrow  view  on  the  part  of  its 
statesmen,  its  rulers,  its  legislators,  under  the  influence  at  a 
particular  time  of  particular  local  conditions. 

We  can  all  of  us  look  back  in  the  history  of  oiu*  own  country 
and  of  other  countries  and  see  how  we  now,  with  a  broader 
view  and  free  from  the  prejudices  of  the  hour,  would  settle 
questions  and  solve  difficulties  in  a  far  more  satisfactory  way. 

I  suppose  that  the  true  object  which  should  be  held  before 
every  statesman  is  so  to  deal  with  the  questions  of  the 
present  that  the  spirit  in  which  they  are  solved  will  com- 
mend itself  to  the  generations  of  the  future. 

I  think,  sir,  that  the  government  of  Mexico  has  attained 
that  high  standard  of  statesmanship  to  an  extraordinary 
degree.  It  certainly  has  done  so  in  its  relations  with  the  gov- 
ernment of  the  United  States;  and  as  a  result  of  the  reason- 


THE  VISIT  TO  MEXICO  201 

able  and  kindly  way  in  which  we  have  been  treating  each 
other  for  these  past  years  we  behold  not  merely  the  fact 
that  of  your  $240,000,000  of  foreign  trade,  two-thirds  of 
your  exports  are  purchased  by  the  United  States  and  two- 
thirds  of  your  imports  are  purchased  from  the  United  States; 
not  merely  that  of  yoiu:  vast  exports  to  the  United  States, 
notwithstanding  our  high  protective  policy,  nine-tenths  are 
free  from  all  duty;  not  merely  that  $700,000,000  of  capital  of 
the  United  States  has  been  invested  in  your  thriving  and  pro- 
gressive enterprises,  so  that,  while  for  three  centuries  and  a 
half  the  people  of  Mexico  were  hiding  their  wealth  under  the 
ground  to  keep  it  from  being  taken  away  from  them,  now  for 
a  quarter  of  a  century  you  have  been  taking  out  from  under 
the  ground  a  wealth  far  surpassing  any  dreams  of  avarice 
in  the  days  of  old.  But  more  than  all  that,  there  has  grown  up 
and  is  continually  developing  between  the  people  of  the  two 
countries  a  knowledge  of  each  other,  an  appreciation  of  each 
other,  a  kindly  feeling  toward  each  other,  which  make  for  the 
perpetuity  of  good  government  in  both  countries  and  for 
the  development  of  all  the  finer  and  better  qualities  of  citizen- 
ship in  both  countries;  which  will  help  both  of  us  to  advance 
along  the  pathway  of  progress;  which  will  make  every  school 
in  Mexico  in  which  the  future  government  and  rulers  of  this 
vast  land  are  being  trained  a  better  school,  and  make  every 
school  in  the  United  States  a  better  school;  which  will 
make  every  officer  conscious  of  being  one  of  a  community  of 
nations,  conscious  of  having  in  his  charge  the  good  name  of 
the  country  which  is  known  to  the  people  of  the  whole  conti- 
nent, a  better  officer  than  he  would  be  if  he  were  responsible 
only  to  his  narrow  community.  As  the  result  of  these  kindly 
relations  we  see  two  happy,  progressive,  prosperous  nations; 
and,  sir,  it  is  my  sincere  hope  that  following  the  footsteps  of 
the  great  Americans  you  have  named,  through  your  kindness 
and  hospitality  I  may  be  able  to  add  my  little  contribution 


202    LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

toward  this  great  work  of  national  benefit  and  of  inter- 
national advancement  in  the  cause  of  liberty,  justice,  and 
humanity. 

FAREWELL  SUPPER  GIVEN  BY  MR.  ROOT 
Speech  of  Mr.  Root 

October  7,  1907 

On  the  evening  of  the  day  of  the  banquet  of  the  Mmister  for  Foreign  Affairs,  on 
the  lower  terrace  of  the  castle  where  a  series  of  apartments  had  been  assigned  to  his 
party,  Mr.  Root  gave  a  farewell  supper  to  the  members  of  the  Government,  the 
diplomatic  corps,  the  Entertainment  Committee,  and  numerous  other  Mexican 
notables. 

This  is  the  last  opportunity  I  shall  have  in  the  City  of 
Mexico  to  express  to  you  my  gratitude  and  keen  apprecia- 
tion for  all  your  very  great  kindness  to  us  during  our  visit 
to  Mexico. 

I  came  here  with  my  mind  filled  by  the  idea  of  two  coun- 
tries, the  United  States  of  America  and  the  United  Mexican 
States,  rather  an  abstract  and  cold  conception.  Gradually 
there  has  emerged  from  the  sea  of  faces  that  I  looked  upon 
on  entering  Mexico,  one  by  one,  a  group  of  lovely  women 
and  of  fine  and  noble  gentlemen,  and  beside  the  conception 
of  two  countries  becoming  more  and  more  friendly  to  each 
other,  there  has  come  a  realization  that  I  have  gained  new 
friends  —  a  most  grateful  and  most  delightful  thing.  I  shall 
never  forget  you,  my  friends;  I  shall  never  forget  your 
courtesy  and  your  kindness,  and  I  know  I  can  say  the  same 
for  Mrs.  Root,  and  I  beg  to  offer  a  toast  to  the  personnel 
of  the  administration  of  President  Diaz,  a  personnel  which 
is  more  delightful  and  will  be  met  with  more  pleasure  than 
it  was  possible  for  me  to  conceive  before  coming  here,  and 
as  I  leave  you  I  shall  feel  that  with  my  limited  Spanish,  which 
consists  of  not  more  than  a  half  a  dozen  words,  I  have,  how- 
ever, the  most  valuable  words  in  the  language  in  being  able 
to  say:  "  Hasta  luego." 


THE  VISIT  TO  MEXICO  203 

Response  of  Senor  Corral 

Sefior  Ram6n  Corral,  Vice-President  of  the  Republic,  made  the  following 
response  to  this  farewell  address: 

Since  you  have  set  foot  on  our  soil  we  have  had  occasion  to 
observe  the  high  and  well-merited  opinion  which  you  enter- 
tain of  our  president.  General  Porfirio  Diaz,  and  of  his  splen- 
did and  statesmanlike  achievements,  and  if  to  this  be  added 
your  own  well-known  merits,  your  lofty  character,  and  the 
sagacious,  yet  kindly  notice  you  have  taken  of  all  that  you 
have  seen,  no  wonder  that  you  have  won,  not  our  admiration, 
not  our  respect,  not  our  good-will,  for  all  these  were  yours 
already,  but  something  more  intimate,  something  that  dwells 
deef)er  in  the  recesses  of  the  heart  —  our  affection. 

Henceforth,  sir,  in  addition  to  your  high  claims  as  an 
illustrious  statesman  and  wise  administrator,  you  have  from 
us  the  endearing  title  of  friend,  a  friend  who  appreciates  us 
with  fairness,  who  will  rejoice  at  our  future  triumphs  in  the 
arena  of  progress,  who  will  lament  our  misfortunes,  who 
will  applaud  our  victories  and  will  encourage  us  in  our 
discomfitures. 

For  some  time  past,  especially  since  you  undertook  the 
noble  task  of  proclaiming  justice  and  righteousness  as  the 
basis  for  the  relations  of  the  republics  of  America  with  one 
another,  we  have  followed  with  the  liveliest  interest  your 
glorious  career,  of  which  the  goal  is  the  promotion  of  ideals 
of  human  fraternity.  We  have  admired  you,  we  have 
applauded  you  as  one  applauds  the  eloquence  of  wise  and 
good  men.  But  henceforth  a  current  of  profound  sympathy 
will  flow  between  you  and  us,  and  our  admiration  and 
applause  will  reach  you,  quickened  by  the  vibrations  of  our 
enthusiasm. 

Soon  you  will  return  to  your  own  country,  that  splendid 
country  where  everything  is  great  from  the  cataclysms  of 


204    LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

nature  to  the  manifestations  of  freedom.  Our  most  fervent 
desire  is  that  you  may  take  away  an  impression  of  Mexico 
and  of  her  people  as  agreeable  and  affectionate  as  that  which 
you  leave  behind,  and  that,  in  justice  toward  us,  you  will  tell 
those  among  your  countrymen  who  do  not  yet  know  us,  that 
ours  is  a  civilized  nation,  working  out  its  greater  welfare, 
educating  itself  intellectually,  living  and  desiring  to  remain 
in  peace  with  itself  and  in  peace  with  all  who  respect  its 
rights,  —  in  a  word,  living  up  to  its  mission  as  a  free  and 
honorable  community.  Tell  your  President  that  in  Mexico 
we  appreciate  and  applaud  his  great  and  noble  efforts  in 
behalf  of  his  country  and  in  behalf  of  the  peace  of  other 
nations,  and  that  when  his  name  is  pronounced  by  us,  it  is 
pronounced  with  expressions  of  respect  and  homage  for  his 
good  qualities. 

Receive,  sir,  these  words,  which  are  the  expression  of  senti- 
ments that  are  sincere,  as  a  new  demonstration  to  yourself 
and  to  your  distinguished  family  of  our  feelings  of  esteem  and 
our  desire  for  your  happiness. 

PUEBLA 

Speech  of  General  Mucio  P.  Mabtinez 

Governor  of  Puebla 
At  a  Banquet  at  the  Municipal  Palace,  October  9,  1907 

A  POETIC  tradition  of  our  aborigines  has  been  kept,  and  still 
lives  —  transmitted  from  generation  to  generation  of  the 
races  that  people  our  wooded  mountains  and  smiling  plains; 
this  tradition  teaches  us  that  to  illustrious  guests,  above 
all  to  those  who  come  like  you  as  messengers  of  peace  on 
earth  and  good-will  to  men,  should  be  offered  as  an  emblem 
of  sincere  and  respectful  affection,  the  richest  of  fruits,  the 
handsomest  of  flowers,  and  the  most  delicious  of  dishes. 

A  reception  such  as  the  one  now  being  given  to  your  excel- 
lency and  those  nearest  and  dearest  to  your  heart,  must  be. 


THE  VISIT  TO  MEXICO  205 

no  doubt,  inferior  in  magnificence  to  the  welcome  tendered 
to  such  illustrious  guests  in  other  countries;  but  believe  me, 
none  has  ever  surpassed  our  sincerity,  because  Mexico,  as  it 
is  the  first  to  admire  brilliant  careers  in  politics,  in  science,  in 
art,  in  industry,  and  in  commerce,  takes  pleasure  in  offering 
you  its  most  cordial  attentions  with  no  other  desire  than  to 
make  your  stay  in  this  republic  as  pleasing  as  possible  and 
to  show  you  that  this  country  is  an  ardent  admirer  of  yours 
and  takes  pleasure  in  calling  itself  a  sister  of  the  United  States 
not  only  because  of  geographical  contiguity,  but  also  because 
of  the  liberty  and  freedom  of  its  institutions. 

I  therefore  pray  that  your  excellency  accept  this  humble 
repast  as  a  token  of  the  most  affectionate  hospitality  ten- 
dered you  by  me  in  the  name  of  the  people  of  Puebla,  and  I 
beg  you  to  convey  to  the  illustrious  President  of  the  American 
Union  the  brotherly  regard  we  all  have  for  him. 

Reply  of  Mr.  Root 

I  AM  greatly  pleased  by  this  delicate  hospitality  which  is 
like  the  traditional  hospitality  of  the  Mexican  nation.  I 
shall  personally  convey  to  President  Roosevelt  the  message  of 
cordial  welcome  and  good-will  shown  by  this  city,  and  it  will 
undoubtedly  contribute  to  further  the  good  work  under- 
taken by  President  Roosevelt  to  uphold  justice  and  protect 
the  rights  of  humanity.  I  shall  also  bring  to  President  Roose- 
velt's attention  the  assurances  of  this  country  to  protect  the 
happiness  and  prosperity  of  the  people.  I  cannot  help 
remembering  that  when  foreigners  came  to  Puebla  in  hostile 
manner  they  were  shown  that  Puebla  knows  how  to  defend 
its  rights.  It  is  also  pleasing  to  me  to  see  the  ability  of  the 
Mexican  people  to  govern  themselves:  nations  like  Mexico 
and  the  United  States  which  have  given  proof  of  this  ability 
may  well  boast  that  they  belong  to  those  which  form  the 
vanguard  of  modern  civilization. 


206    LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

ORIZABA 

Speech  of  Senor  D.  Teodoro  A.  Dehesa 

Governor  of  the  State  of  Vera  Cruz 
At  a  Luncheon  at  the  Cocolopan  Factory,  October  10,  1907 

In  your  honor,  and  as  a  testimony  to  your  personal  worth 
and  sterling  character,  as  a  representative  of  the  great 
American  people,  I  take  particular  pleasure  in  tendering  to 
you  this  lunch.  The  occasion  gives  rise  to  the  thought  that 
your  Washington  and  our  Hidalgo  were  the  instruments 
chosen  for  planting  the  sacred  tree  of  national  independence 
now  so  deeply  rooted  in  our  respective  countries,  and  which 
has  brought  forth  the  fruit  of  liberty  to  nourish  the  people 
of  the  United  States  and  Mexico. 

Here  in  Orizaba  you  have  seen,  Mr.  Secretary,  some  evi- 
dences of  the  material  advances  made  by  our  country,  which 
to  a  man  of  your  broad  views  and  lofty  ideals  I  must  believe 
are  pleasing.  These  are  blessings  that  we  owe  to  peace. 
Those  two  great  statesmen  and  lovers  of  peace  —  Roosevelt 
and  Diaz  —  are  one  in  desire  and  endeavor  to  preserve  peace, 
not  only  to  secure  its  benefits  for  their  own  people,  but 
to  extend  its  beneficent  sway  over  the  whole  American 
continent. 

Such  a  purpose  commands  the  respect  and  admiration  of 
the  world.  I  invite  all  present  to  join  me  in  drinking  to  our 
illustrious  and  most  welcome  guest,  whom  we  all  so  mujch 
admire  for  his  many  distinguished  qualities  —  extending  to 
him  and  to  his  charming  family  our  best  wishes  for  health 
and  happiness. 

Reply  of  Mr.  Root 

This  cordial  welcome  has  not  been  a  surprise  to  me,  as  I 
already  knew  of  the  qualities  of  the  Governor  of  Vera  Cruz. 
By  this  time,  I  have  become  accustomed  to  the  hospitable 
character  of  the  Mexicans;  but  notwithstanding  this,  it  has 


THE  VISIT  TO  MEXICO  207 

been  very  pleasing  and  gratifying  to  me  to  receive  these 
demonstrations  from  the  people  of  Vera  Cruz  whose  frank- 
ness of  disposition  is  well  known.  I  appreciate  your  words 
very  highly,  Mr.  Governor,  and  I  thank  you  for  them  as  I  do 
the  residents  of  Orizaba. 

It  is  but  right  for  you  Mexicans  to  remember  Washington, 
as  it  is  for  us  Americans  to  remember  Hidalgo  and  the  other 
heroes  of  Mexican  history  together  with  our  own.  I  firmly 
believe  that  Mexico  has  passed  beyond  the  state  in  which 
civil  dissensions  devastated  this  fortunate  country,  and  that 
in  the  future  there  will  be  no  door  open  to  internal  strife, 
thanks  to  the  wise  administration  and  foresight  of  the  great 
statesman  Porfirio  Diaz. 

How  true  it  is  that  the  beautiful  and  the  useful  can  be 
combined:  here  in  Orizaba  I  find  the  proof  of  this  truth,  as 
in  the  midst  of  the  natural  beauty  of  the  scenery  offered  by 
the  exuberant  vegetation  and  the  lovely  peak  crowned  with 
snow  —  the  proud  sentinel  of  the  state  of  Vera  Cruz  — 
stand  as  signs  of  progress  the  important  factories  we  have 
just  visited. 

Mr.  Governor,  I  feel  grateful  for  the  frank  reception  of 
which  I  have  been  the  object,  and  I  hope  that  Mexico  will 
continue  to  progress  and  develop  as  well  as  the  United  States, 
and  that  both  nations  will  render  mutual  assistance  to  each 
other  and  avail  themselves  of  the  prosperous  or  unprosperous 
occurrences  adopting  the  one  or  the  other  as  lessons  of 
exp>erience  for  humanity  in  order  to  demonstrate  to  natives 
and  foreigners  the  excellences  of  the  republican  form  of 
government. 


208    LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

GUADALAJARA 

Speech  of  Governor  Ahumada 

October  14,  1907 

Although  our  president.  General  Porfirio  Diaz,  with  the  high 
international  representation  awarded  him  by  our  institu- 
tions, and  by  the  personal  adherence  of  all  federal  and  state 
authorities,  as  well  as  by  the  love  of  the  Mexican  people  in 
general,  has  already  given  a  cordial  welcome  in  the  name  of 
all  of  us,  allow  me,  in  the  name  of  the  state  which  1  govern, 
to  express  to  you  the  kind  feelings  of  sympathy  which  exist  in 
all  hearts  beating  within  this  important  section  of  our  coun- 
try. Jalisco,  Mr.  Secretary,  has  always  been  a  land  that 
loves  all  that  is  great  and  useful  for  the  country,  and  as 
during  the  time  when  we  fought  for  independence  and  liberty 
it  did  not  spare  its  sons,  in  the  same  way  we  want  to  join 
our  voice  to  the  voice  of  the  people  that  from  the  bravo  to 
the  usumacinia  praise  and  bless  you,  to  take  our  share  in  the 
work  for  peace  which  you  initiated  during  the  Third  Pan 
American  Conference  in  Rio  de  Janeiro,  which  you  continued 
by  your  visit  to  the  main  republics  of  South  America,  and 
which  you  are  carrying  to  an  end  now  by  tokens  of  friendship 
you  are  giving  to  Mexico  and  the  people  of  the  state  of 
Jalisco.  The  people  of  this  state  believe  that  the  best  way 
to  take  part  in  this  labor  is  to  tell  you  through  me:  "  Wel- 
come be  the  noble  emissary  who,  like  the  dove  of  the  ark, 
brings  the  symbolic  olive  branch  which  announces  that  clouds 
have  been  dissipated  and  the  sun  of  friendship  is  rising 
between  the  peoples  of  the  new  continent." 

We  should  have  been  pleased  to  have  you  among  us  a 
longer  time,  to  give  you  better  tokens  of  our  esteem  and  to 
show  you  the  high  appreciation  we  feel  for  the  people  of  the 
United  States  and  her  great  ruler.  President  Roosevelt.  But 
inasmuch  as  this  is  impossible,  owing  to  your  important  and 


THE  VISIT  TO  MEXICO  209 

urgent  labors  at  home,  allow  me,  Mr.  Secretary,  to  state  that 
if  om*  demonstrations  of  friendship  are  short,  they  are  made 
in  the  land  of  traditional  frankness  and  true  friendship. 

Let  us  drink,  ladies  and  gentlemen,  to  the  health  of  his 
excellency,  Mr.  Root,  his  distinguished  wife,  and  his  "  sim- 
patica  "  daughter,  and  wishing  for  all  of  them  all  kinds  of 
happiness,  let  us  prove  that  we  have  shaken  their  hands  in 
the  spirit  that  sons  of  Jalisco  always  shake  hands  —  our 
heart  is  our  hand. 

Mr.  Root's  Reply 

I  THANK  you  very  heartily  for  your  kind  words,  for  your 
flattering  description  of  myself,  and  for  the  spirit  of  friend- 
ship for  my  country  which  you  exhibit.  I  am  highly  appre- 
ciative of  all  the  hospitality,  the  warm  welcome,  and  the 
graceful  and  most  agreeable  entertainment  which  you  and 
your  people  of  Guadalajara  and  of  the  state  of  Jalisco  have 
given  to  my  family  and  to  myself. 

I  think  it  is  perhaps  fitting  that  I  should  make  the  last  ex- 
tended visit  of  all  I  have  been  making  in  Mexico,  to  the  city 
of  Guadalajara.  The  most  striking  feature  of  Mexican  life  to 
a  stranger  is  that  rare  combination  of  history  and  progress 
which  one  finds.  The  two  eras  of  history,  the  Spanish,  and 
before  that  the  Indian  civilization,  which  has  to  so  great  an 
extent  passed  away,  and  beside  that  the  modem  develop- 
ment, the  spirit  of  modem  enterprise,  the  active  progress 
of  mining  and  agriculture  and  manufactures,  the  stimulus  of 
sound  finance,  and  the  general  determination  of  the  people 
to  take  rank  with  the  great  productive  nations  of  the  earth, — 
nowhere  have  I  found  that  combination  more  marked  and 
distinct  than  I  find  it  here  in  Guadalajara.  As  I  said  to 
you  a  short  time  ago,  your  excellency,  the  things  that  im- 
pressed me  most  on  entering  this  city  were,  first,  that  it  was 
clean;  secondly,  that  there  were  many  fine-looking  people; 


210    LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

thirdly,  that  it  was  cheerful;  and,  fourthly,  that  it  had  many 
beautiful  buildings.  I  can  add  to  that  a  fifth,  that  it  is 
bright  with  the  rainbow  of  hope  for  the  fruits  of  its  many 
enterprises. 

This  may  be  the  last  time  I  rise  to  speak  to  any  audi- 
ence in  Mexico  before  my  departure  for  my  own  country, 
and  there  are  two  things  that  I  wish  to  say;  one  is,  that 
nothing  could  have  been  more  generous,  more  tactful,  and 
more  grateful  to  us  than  the  hospitality  and  friendship 
which  my  family  and  I  have  received  during  the  entire 
time  since  we  crossed  the  border  at  Laredo.  We  are  grateful 
for  it,  we  are  deeply  appreciative  of  it.  The  other  thing  that 
I  wish  to  say  is  that  I  have  all  the  time  since  I  came  to 
Mexico  been  thinking  about  the  question  of  the  permanence 
of  your  new  prosperity.  I  go  back  to  my  home  encouraged 
and  cheered  by  having  found,  as  I  believe,  evidence,  sub- 
stantial evidence,  that  the  new  prosperity  of  Mexico  is  not 
evanescent  and  temporary,  but  is  permanent.  I  do  not 
believe  that  Mexico  will  ever  again  return  to  the  disorder 
of  the  condition  which  characterized  the  first  sixty  years  of 
her  independence.  I  believe  that  during  this  long  period 
of  peace  and  order  which  has  been  secured  for  your  people 
by  your  great,  wise,  strong  President  Diaz,  there  has  grown 
up  a  new  spirit  among  Mexicans  and  a  new  appreciation  of 
individual  duty  to  civilization  in  the  maintenance  of  peace 
and  order. 

So  I  go  back,  not  only  charmed  with  the  beauty  of  your 
country,  not  only  delighted  with  the  opportunity  to  see 
the  wonderful  historic  monuments  you  possess,  not  only 
delighted  with  the  hospitality  of  your  homes  and  charmed 
with  the  character  of  your  people,  but  I  go  back  with  the 
feeling  that  the  Mexican  people  have  joined  forever  the 
ranks  of  the  great,  orderly,  self -controlled,  self-governing 
republics  of  the  world. 


ADDRESSES 

IN  THE  UNITED  STATES 

ON   LATIN   AMERICAN   RELATIONS 


THE  CENTRAL  ARIERICAN  PEACE 
CONFERENCE 

In  December,  1907,  a  Central  American  Peace  Conference  was  held  at  Washington, 
between  delegates  representing  the  five  Central  American  republics  —  Costa  Rica, 
Guatemala,  Honduras,  Nicaragua,  and  Salvador.  Mexico  and  the  United  States 
were  invited  to  participate  in  a  friendly  capacity  and  accepted  the  invitation.  The 
conference  grew  out  of  the  initiative  taken  during  the  previous  sununer  by  the  pres- 
idents of  the  United  States  and  Mexico,  in  an  endeavor  to  secure  an  adjustment  of 
then  pending  disputes  between  several  of  these  republics,  in  some  form  that  would 
secure  permanent  peace  among  them  and  fostw  their  development.  The  con- 
ference was  called  together  by  the  following  note  of  the  Secretary  of  State,  addressed 
to  the  del^ates: 

Department  of  State, 
Washznoton,  November  11,  1907. 
Excelueinctes:  The  plenipotentiaries  of  the  five  Central  American  republics* 
of  Costa  Rica,  Guatemala,  Honduras,  Nicaragua,  and  Salvador,  appointed  by 
their  respective  Governments  in  pursuance  of  the  protocol  signed  in  Washing- 
ton on  September  17,  1907,  having  arrived  in  the  city  of  Washington  for  the 
purposes  of  the  conference  contemplated  in  the  said  protocol,  I  have  the  honor 
to  request  that  the  said  plenipotentiaries,  together  with  the  representatives  of 
the  United  Mexican  States  and  of  the  United  States  of  America,  appointed 
pursuant  to  the  second  article  of  said  protocol,  convene  in  the  building  of  the 
Bureau  of  American  Republics  in  the  city  of  Washington,  on  the  fourteenth 
day  of  November,  instant,  at  half  past  two  in  the  afternoon. 

I  avail  myself  of  this  opportunity  to  offer  to  Your  Excellencies  the  assur- 
ances of  my  highest  consideration.  p  Root 

The  formal  sessions  of  the  conference  began  December  13,  and  closed  December 
80.  During  this  period  nine  treaties  and  conventioDS  were  concluded  between  the 
five  republics,  as  follows: 

1.  A  general  treaty  of  peace  and  amity. 

2.  A  convention  additional  to  the  general  treaty  of  peace  and  amity. 

8.   A  convention  for  the  establishment  of  a  Central  American  court  of  justice. 

4.  A  protocol  additional  to  the  convention  for  the  establishment  of  a  Central 

American  court  of  justice. 

5.  An  extradition  convention. 

6.  A  convention  for  the  establishment  of  an  International  Central  American 

Bureau. 

7.  A  convention  for  the  establishment  of  a  Central  American  pedagogical 

institute. 

8.  A  convention  concerning  future  Central  American  Conferences. 

SIS 


214     LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

9.  A  convention  concerning  railway  communications. 
The  most  important  were  the  general  treaty  of  peace  and  amity,  and  the  conven- 
tion for  the  establishmen    of  a  Central  American  court  of  justice.     The  texts  of 
these  various  conventions  are  found  in  Malloy's  Treaties  and  Conventions  of  the 
United  States,  Volume  II,  pp.  2391-2420. 

The  Mexican  Government  was  represented  by  His  Excellency  Seflor  Don 
Enrique  C.  Creel,  ambassador  at  Washington,  and  the  United  States  by  Honor- 
able William  I.  Buchanan. 

At  the  opening  session  of  the  conference  Mr.  Root  made  the  following  address: 

ADDRESS  OPENING  THE  CENTRAL  AMERICAN  PEACE 
CONFERENCE,  DECEMBER  13,  1907 

USAGE  devolves  upon  me  as  the  head  of  the  Foreign 
Office  of  the  country  m  which  you  are  assembled  to  call 
this  meeting  together;  to  call  it  to  order  and  to  preside  during 
the  formation  of  your  organization.  I  wish  to  express  to  you, 
at  the  outset,  the  high  appreciation  of  the  Government  of  the 
United  States  of  the  compliment  you  pay  to  us  in  selecting 
\  the  city  of  Washington  as  the  field  of  your  labors  in  behalf 
Vof  the  rule  of  peace  and  order  and  brotherhood  among  the 
peoples  of  Central  America.  It  is  most  gratifying  to  the  peo- 
ple of  the  United  States  that  you  should  feel  that  you  will 
find  here  an  atmosphere  favorable  to  the  development  of  the 
ideas  of  peace  and  unity,  of  progress  and  mutual  helpfulness, 
in  place  of  war  and  revolution  and  the  retardation  of  the 
principles  of  liberty  and  justice. 

So  far  as  a  sincere  and  friendly  desire  for  success  in  your 
labors  may  furnish  a  favorable  atmosphere,  you  certainly 
will  have  it  here.  The  people  of  the  United  States  are  sincere 
believers  in  the  principles  that  you  are  seeking  to  apply  to 
the  conduct  of  your  international  affairs  in  Central  America. 
They  sincerely  desire  the  triumph  and  the  control  of  the 
principles  of  liberty  and  order  everywhere  in  the  world. 
They  especially  desire  that  the  blessings  which  follow  the 
control  of  those  principles  may  be  enjoyed  by  all  the  people 
of  our  sister  republics  on  the  western  hemisphere,  and  we 
further  believe  that  it  will  be,  from  the  most  selfish  point  of 


CENTRAL  AMERICAN  PEACE  CONFERENCE  215 

view,  for  our  interests  to  have  peaceful,  prosperous,  and  pro- 
gressive republics  in  Central  America. 

The  people  of  the  United  Mexican  States  and  of  the  United 
States  of  America  are  now^nlovmg^great  benefits  from  the 
mutual  interchange  of  commerce  and  friendly  intercoiffiSe 
between  the  two  countries  of  Mexico  and  the  United  States. 
Prosperity,  the  increase  of  wealth,  the  success  of  enterprise  — 
all  the  results  that  come  from  the  intelligent  use  of  wealth  — 
are  being  enjoyed  by  the  people  of  both  countries,  through 
the  friendly  intercourse  that  utilizes  for  the  people  of  each 
country  the  prosperity  of  the  other.  We  in  the  United  States 
should  be  most  happy  if  the  states  of  Central  America  might 
move  with  greater  rapidity  along  the  pathway  of  such  pros- 
perity, of  such  progress;  to  the  end  that  Yfe  may  share, 
through  commerce  and  friendly  intercom?^,  in  your  new 
prosperity,  and  aid  you  by  our  prosperitW^ 

We  cannot  fail,  gentlemen,  to  be  admmiished  by  the  many 
failures  which  have  been  made  by  the  people  of  Central 
America  to  establish  agreement  among  themselves  which 
would  be  lasting,  that  the  task  you  have  before  you  is  no 
easy  one.  The  trial  has  often  been  made  and  the  agreements 
which  have  been  elaborated,  signed,  ratified,  seem  to  have 
been  written  in  water.  Yet  I  cannot  resist  the  impression 
that  we  have  at  last  come  to  the  threshold  of  a  happier  day 
for  Central  America.  Time  is  necessary  to  political  develop- 
ment. I  have  great  confidence  in  the  judgment  that  in  the 
long  course  of  time,  through  successive  steps  of  failure, 
through  the  accompanying  education  of  your  people,  through 
the  encouraging  examples  which  now,  more  than  ever  before, 
surround  you,  success  will  be  attained  in  securing  unity  and 
progress  in  other  countries  of  the  new  hemisphere.  Through 
the  combination  of  all  these,  you  are  at  a  point  in  your  his- 
tory where  it  is  possible  for  you  to  take  a  forward  step  that 
will  remain. 


216    LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

It  would  ill  become  me  to  attempt  to  propose  or  suggest  the 
steps  which  you  should  take;  but  I  will  venture  to  observe 
that  the  all-important  thing  for  you  to  accomplish  is  that 
while  you  enter  into  agreements  which  will,  I  am  sure,  be 
framed  in  consonance  with  the  most  peaceful  aspirations  and 
the  most  rigid  sense  of  justice,  you  shall  devise  also  some 
practical  methods  under  which  it  will  be  possible  to  secure 
the  performance  of  those  agreements.  The  mere  declaration 
of  general  principles,  the  mere  agreement  upon  lines  of 
policy  and  of  conduct,  are  of  little  value  unless  there  be  prac- 
tical and  definite  methods  provided  by  which  the  responsi- 
bility for  failing  to  keep  the  agreement  may  be  fixed  upon 
some  definite  person,  and  the  public  sentiment  of  Central 
America  brought  to  bear  to  prevent  the  violation.  The 
declaration  that  a  man  is  entitled  to  his  liberty  would  be  of 
little  value  with  us  in  this  country,  were  it  not  for  the  writ  of 
habeas  corpus  that  makes  it  the  duty  of  a  specific  judge,  when 
applied  to,  to  inquire  into  the  cause  of  a  man's  detention,  and 
set  him  at  liberty  if  he  is  unjustly  detained.  The  provision 
which  declares  that  a  man  should  not  be  deprived  of  his 
property  without  due  process  of  law  would  be  of  little  value 
were  it  not  for  the  practical  provision  which  imposes  on 
specific  officers  the  duty  of  nullifying  every  attempt  to  take 
away  a  man's  property  without  due  process  of  law. 

To  find  practical  definite  methods  by  which  you  shall  make 
it  somebody's  duty  to  see  that  the  great  principles  you 
declare  are  not  violated,  by  which  if  an  attempt  be  made  to 
violate  them  the  responsibility  may  be  fixed  upon  the  guilty 
individual  —  those,  in  my  judgment,  are  the  problems  to 
which  you  should  specifically  and  most  earnestly  address 
yourselves. 

I  have  confidence  in  your  success  because  I  have  confidence 
in  your  sincerity  of  purpose,  and  because  I  believe  that  your 
people  have  developed  to  the  point  where  they  are  ready  to 


CENTRAL  AMERICAN  PEACE  CONFERENCE   217 

receive  and  to  utilize  such  results  as  you  may  work  out. 
Why  should  you  not  live  in  peace  and  harmony  ?  You  are 
one  people  in  fact;  your  citizenship  is  interchangeable 
your  race,  your  religion,  your  customs,  your  laws,  your  line- 
age, your  consanguinity  and  relations,  your  social  connec- 
tions, your  sympathies,  your  aspirations,  and  your  hopes 
for  the  future  are  the  same. 

It  can  be  nothing  but  the  ambition  of  individuals  who  care 
more  for  their  selfish  purposes  than  for  the  good  of  their 
country,  that  can  prevent  the  people  of  the  Central  American 
states  from  living  together  in  peace  and  imity. 

It  is  my  most  earnest  hope,  it  is  the  hope  of  the  American 
Government  and  people,  that  from  this  conference  may  come 
the  specific^  and  practicat  'measures  which  will  enable  the 
people  of  Central  America  to  march  on  with  equal  step 
abreast  of  the  most  progressive  nations  of  modem  civiliza- 
tion; to  fulfill  their  great  destinies  in  that  brotherhood 
which  nature  has  intended  them  to  preserve;  to  exile  forever 
from  that  land  of  beauty  and  of  wealth  incalculable  the 
fraternal  strife  which  has  hitherto  held  you  back  in  the 
development  of  your  civilization. 

ADDRESS  CLOSING  THE  CENTRAL  AMERICAN  PEACE 
CONFERENCE,  DECEMBER  20,  1907 

I  BEG  you,  gentlemen,  to  accept  my  hearty  and  sincere  con- 
gratulations. The  people  of  Central  America,  withdrawn  to 
a  great  distance  from  the  scene  of  your  labors,  may  not  know, 
but  I  wish  that  my  voice  might  reach  each  one  of  them  to  tell 
them  that  during  the  month  that  has  passed  their  loyal  rep- 
resentatives have  been  doing  for  them  in  sincerity  and  in  the 
discharge  of  patriotic  duty  a  service  which  stands  upon  the 
highest  level  of  the  achievements  of  the  most  advanced 
modem  civilization.  You  have  each  one  of  you  been  faithful 
to  thejrotection  of  the  interests  of  your  several  countries; 


218     LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

you  have  each  one  of  you  exhibited  patience,  kindly  consid- 
eration, regard  for  the  rights  and  feelings  of  others,  and  a 
willingness  to  meet  with  open  mind  the  opinions  and  wishes  of 
your  fellow-countrymen;  you  have  pursued  the  true  method 
by  which  law,  order,  peace,  and  justice  are  substituted  for  the 
unrestrained  dominion  of  the  strong  over  the  weak,  and  you 
have  reached  conclusions  which  I  believe  are  wise  and  are 
well  adapted  to  advance  the  progress  of  each  and  all  of  the 
Central  American  republics  toward  that  much-to-be-desired 
consummation  in  the  future  of  one  great,  strong,  and  happy 
Central  American  republic. 

May  the  poor  husbandman  who  cultivates  the  fields  of 
your  five  republics,  may  the  miner  who  is  wearing  out  his 
weary  life  in  the  hard  labors  of  your  mines,  may  the  mothers 
who  are  caring  for  the  infant  children  who  are  to  make  the 
peoples  of  Central  America  in  the  future,  may  the  millions 
whose  prosperity  and  happiness  you  have  sought  to  advance 
here,  may  the  unborn  generations  of  the  future  in  your 
beloved  countries,  have  reason  to  look  back  to  this  day  with 
blessings  upon  the  seK-devotion  and  the  self-restraint  with 
which  you  have  endeavored  to  serve  their  interests  and  to 
secure  their  prosperity  and  peace. 

With  this  hope  the  entire  body  of  my  countrymen  will  join, 
and  with  the  expression  of  this  hope  I  declare  the  Peace  Con- 
ference of  the  Republics  of  Central  America,  convened  in  the 
city  of  Washington  in  this  year  nineteen  hundred  and  seven, 
to  be  now  adjourned. 


THE  PAN  AMERICAN  CAUSE 

RESPONSE  TO  THE  TOAST  OF  THE  AMBASSADOR  OF  BRAZH.  AT 
A  DINNER  IN  HONOR  OF  REAR-ADMIRAL  HUET  DE  BACELLAR 
AND  THE  CAPTAINS  OF  THE  BRAZILIAN  SHIPS  ON  A  VISIT  TO 
THE  JAMESTOWN  EXPOSITION.  WASHINGTON,  D.C.,  MAY  18,  1907 

The  Brazilian  Ambassador,  His  Excellency  Mr.  Nabuco 

THIS  is  the  second  time  that  I  have  the  honor  and  the 
good  fortune  of  meeting  in  this  room  the  representatives 
of  the  American  nations  in  Washington,  including  the  Secre- 
tary of  State  of  the  United  States.  These  are  the  great  Pan 
American  festivals  of  the  Brazilian  Embassy.  But  what  a 
great  stride  our  common  cause  has  made  since  we  met  here 
last  year!  All  of  that  progress  is  principally  due  to  Mr. 
Root's  devotion  to  the  cause  that  he  made  his  own  and  which 
I  have  no  doubt  he  will  make  also  a  national  one. 

I  drink  to  the  progress  of  the  Pan  American  cause  in  the 
person  of  its  great  leader,  the  Secretary  of  State. 

Mr.  Root 

I  THANK  you,  Mr.  Ambassador,  for  the  too  flattering 
expression  with  which  you  have  characterized  the  efforts 
that,  by  the  accident  of  position,  I  have  been  enabled  to 
make  in  the  interpretation  of  that  spirit  which  in  the  full- 
ness of  time  has  ripened,  developed  and  become  ready  for 
universal  expression  and  influence. 

It  is  a  great  pleasure  for  me  to  look  again  into  the  tropical 
forests  of  Brazil;  to  come  under  the  magic  influence  of  your 
part  of  the  solar  spectrum;  and  to  be  introduced  again  to  the 
delightful  influences  of  your  language  through  the  words  of 
the  representative  of  King  Carlos  of  Portugal. 

219 


220     LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

I  think  any  one  who  is  trying  to  do  something  is  at  times 
—  perhaps  most  of  the  time  —  inclined  to  become  despon- 
dent, because  any  single  man  can  do  so  little.  But  if  the  little 
that  one  man  can  do  happens  to  be  in  the  line  of  national  or 
world  tendencies,  he  may  count  himself  happy  in  helping 
forward  the  great  work. 

How  many  thousands  of  men,  bom  out  of  time,  give  their 
lives  to  causes  which  are  not  ripe  for  action !  I  think  that  we, 
my  friends,  are  doing  our  little;  happy  in  contributing  to  a 
cause  that  has  fully  ripened.  I  confess  that  in  passing  from 
the  courts  to  diplomacy;  from  the  argument  of  causes,  the 
conclusion  of  which  would  be  enforced  by  the  power  of 
the  marshal  or  the  sheriff,  having  behind  him  the  irresistible 
power  of  the  nation  —  passing  from  such  arguments  to  the 
discussion  that  proceeds  between  the  foreign  offices  of  inde- 
pendent powers,  I  found  myself  groping  about  to  find  some 
sanction  for  the  rules  of  right  conduct  which  we  endeavor  to 
assert  and  maintain. 

It  has  long  been  a  widely  accepted  theory  that  the  only 
sanction  for  the  right  conduct  of  nations,  for  those  rules  of 
conduct  which  nations  seek  to  enforce  upon  each  other,  is 
the  exercise  of  force;  that  behind  their  diplomatic  argument 
rests,  as  the  ultimate  argument,  the  possibility  of  war.  But 
I  think  there  has  been  developing  in  the  later  years  of  prog- 
ress in  civilization  that  other  sanction,  of  the  constraining 
effect  of  the  public  opinion  of  mankind,  which  rests  upon  the 
desire  for  the  approval  of  one's  f ellowmen^  The  progress  of 
which  you  have  spoken,  Mr.  Ambassador,  in  American  inter- 
national relations,  is  a  progress  along  the  pathway  that  leads 
from  the  rule  of  force  as  the  ultimate  sanction  of  argument  to 
the  rule  of  public  opinion,  which  enforces  its  decrees  by  an 
appeal  to  the  desire  for  approbation  among  men. 

That  progress  is  towards  the  independence,  the  freedom, 
the  dignity,  the  happiness  of  every  small  and  weak  nation. 


THE  PAN  AIVIERICAN  CAUSE  221 

It  tends  to  realize  the  theory  of  international  law,  the  realx 
national  equality.  The  process  is  one  of  attrition.  Isolation 
among  nations  leaves  no  appeal  for  the  enforcement  of  rules 
of  right  conduct,  but  the  appeal  to  force.  Communication, 
intercourse,  friendship,  the  desire  for  good  opinion,  the  exer- 
cise of  all  the  qualities  that  adorn,  that  elevate,  that  refine 
human  nature,  bring  to  the  defense  of  the  smaller  nation  the 
appeal  to  the  other  sanction,  the  sanction  of  public  opinion. 

What  we  are  doing  now,  because  the  time  has  come  for  it 
to  be  done,  is  to  help  in  our  day  and  generation  in  the  creation 
of  a  public  opinion  in  America  which  shall  approve  all  that  is 
good  in  national  character  and  national  conduct  and  punish 
all  that  is  wrong  with  that  most  terrible  penalty,  the  dis- 
approval of  all  America.  As  that  process  approaches  its  per- 
fection, the  work  of  our  friends,  of  the  armies  and  navies  of 
America,  will  have  been  accomplished. 

It  is  not  a  work  of  selfishness;  it  is  a  work  for  universal  y 
civilization.  It  is  a  work  by  which  we  will  repay  to  France 
and  Portugal  and  to  Sweden  —  to  all  our  mother  lands 
across  the  Atlantic  —  all  the  gifts  of  civilization,  of  litera- 
ture, of  art,  of  the  results  of  their  long  struggles  upward  from 
barbarism  to  light,  with  which  they  have  endowed  us.  For 
in  the  vast  fields  of  incalculable  wealth  that  the  American 
continents  oflFer  to  the  enterprise  and  the  cultivation  of  the 
world,  the  older  nations  of  Europe  will  find  their  wealth,  and 
opportunity  for  the  exercise  of  their  powers  in  peace  and  with 
equality. 

It  was  a  great  pleasure  to  me  —  it  was  a  cause  of  pride  to 
me  —  to  hear  so  distinguished  an  English  scholar  as  the 
Ambassador  from  France  speak  the  beautiful  language  of 
France  so  perfectly  tonight.  It  is  a  great  pleasure  for  me  to 
find  that  throughout  the  United  States  the  young  men  are 
in  constantly  increasing  numbers  learning  to  speak  not  only 
French,  but  Spanish  and  Portuguese.    It  was  a  great  pleasure 


222     LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

to  find  throughout  South  America  last  summer  so  many,  not 
merely  of  the  most  distinguished  and  highly  cultivated  men, 
/  speaking  English,  but  so  large  a  number  of  the  people  in  the 
cities  that  I  visited. 

It  all  makes  for  that  attrition,  that  practical  intercourse, 
which  is  the  process  of  civilization;  and  in  destroying  the 
isolation,  the  separation  of  American  states  from  each  other, 
in  building  up  an  American  public  opinion,  we  are  preparing 
ourselves  the  more  perfectly  to  unite  with  our  friends  of 
Europe  in  a  world  public  opinion,  which  shall  establish  the 
reign  of  justice  and  liberty  and  humanity  throughout  the 
world  by  slow,  practical,  untiring  processes  of  intercourse 
and  friendship  in  place  of  the  rules  of  brutal  force. 


THE  PAN  AMERICAN  UNION 

There  has  been,  especially  in  recent  years,  a  very  strong  feeling  that  the  points 
which  the  American  republics  have  in  common  greatly  exceed  their  differences 
and  that  stated  conferences  of  the  American  republics  would  not  only  tend  to 
accentuate  the  points  in  common  but  would  enable  them  to  take  common  action  in 
matters  of  common  interest,  remove  unwarranted  suspicions  which  often  exist 
between  and  among  peoples  which  do  not  come  into  contact,  and  tend  to  lessen  the 
very  differences. 

In  1881,  the  Honorable  James  G.  Blaine,  then  secretary  of  state  of  the  United 
States,  stated  that  in  the  opinion  of  the  President  of  the  United  States  "  the  time 
is  ripe  for  a  proposal  that  shall  enlist  the  good-will  and  active  cooperation  of  all  the 
states  of  the  western  hemisphere,  both  north  and  south,  in  the  interest  of  humanity 
and  for  the  common  weal  of  nations/'^  Mr.  Blaine  proposed  on  behalf  of  the 
President,  that  a  congress  meet  in  the  city  of  Washington.  The  congress  or  con- 
ference actually  took  place  in  that  city  in  1889-1890,  during  the  secretaryship,  of 
state  of  Mr.  Blaine.  This  is  commonly  called  the  International  American  Con- 
ference. All  of  the  American  countries,  with  the  exception  of  Santo  Domingo,  were 
represented,  and  they  agreed  upon  **  the  establishment  of  an  American  Interna- 
tional Bureau  for  the  collection,  tabulation,  and  publication,  in  the  English,  Spanish, 
and  Portuguese  languages,  of  information  as  to  the  productions  and  commerce,  and 
as  to  the  customs  laws  and  regulations  of  their  respective  countries;  such  bureau  to 
be  maintained  in  one  of  the  countries  for  the  common  benefit  and  at  the  common 
expense,  and  to  furnish  to  all  the  other  countries  such  commercial  statistics  and  other 
useful  information  as  may  be  contributed  to  it  by  any  of  the  American  republics."' 

This  was  the  origin  of  the  International  Bureau  of  the  American  Republics,  out 
of  which  has  grown  the  Pan  American  Union,  "  a  voluntary  organization  of  the 
twenty-one  .\merican  republics,  including  the  United  States,  maintained  by  their 
annual  contributions,  controlled  by  a  governing  board  composed  of  the  diplomatic 
representatives  in  Washington  of  the  other  twenty  governments  and  the  secretary 
of  state  of  the  United  States,  who  is  chairman  ex  officio,  and  devoted  to  the  develop- 
ment and  conservation  of  peace,  friendship,  and  commerce  between  them  all."  • 

Modestly  housed  at  first,  the  success  of  the  Union  required  larger  quarters  for  the 
performance  of  its  work.  Advantage  was  taken  of  this  need  to  erect  the  building 
which  was  to  be  the  visible  and  worthy  symbol  of  Pan  Americanism.  Mr.  Andrew 
Carnegie,  a  delegate  on  behalf  of  the  United  States  to  the  first  Pan  American  Con- 
ference in  Washington,  contributed  $950,000  towards  the  construction  of  this 
building,  the  United  States  contributed  the  land,  and  the  other  American  republics 
their  respective  quotas. 

»  Foreign  Relations  o^  the  United  States,  1881,  p.  14. 

«  The  Pan  American  Union,  pp.  81, 82.  *  Ibid.,  p.  7. 

S2S 


224    LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

The  circumstances  under  which  the  funds  for  the  erection  of  this  building  were 
obtained  appear  in  the  records  of  the  Governing  Board  of  the  Pan  American 
Union,  from  which  the  following  resolutions  and  correspondence  have  been  obtained: 

Resolution  of  the  Third  International  Conference  at  Rio  de  Janeiro,  adopted 
August  13, 1906 

The  undersigned,  Delegates  of  the  Republics  represented  in  the  Third  Inter- 
national American  Conference,  duly  authorized  by  their  Governments,  have 
approved  the  following  Resolution: 

The  Third  International  American  Conference  Resolves: 

1.  To  express  its  gratification  that  the  project  to  establish  a  permanent  centre 
of  information  and  of  interchange  of  ideas  among  the  Republics  of  this  Continent, 
as  well  as  the  erection  of  a  building  suitable  for  the  Library  in  memory  of  Columbus 
has  been  realized. 

2.  To  express  the  hope  that,  before  the  meeting  of  the  next  International 
American  Conference  the  International  Bureau  of  American  Republics  will  be 
housed  in  such  a  way  as  to  permit  it  to  properly  fulfil  the  important  functions 
assigned  to  it  by  this  Conference. 

Made  and  signed  in  the  City  of  Rio  de  Janeiro,  on  the  thirteenth  day  of  the 
month  of  August,  nineteen  hundred  and  six,  in  English,  Portuguese  and  Spanish, 
and  deposited  in  the  Department  of  Foreign  Relations  of  the  Government  of  the 
United  States  of  Brazil,  in  order  that  certified  copies  thereof  be  made,  and  forwarded 
through  diplomatic  channels  to  each  one  of  the  Signatory  States. 

For  Ecuador.  —  Emilio  Arevalo,  Olmedo  Alfaro. 

For  Paraguay.  —  Manoel  Gondra,  Arsenio  L6pez  Decoud,  Gualberto  Cardtis  y 
Huerta. 

For  Bolivia.  —  Alberto  Gutierrez,  Carlos  V.  Romero. 

For  Colombia.  —  Rafael  Uribe  Uribe,  Guillermo  Valencia. 

For  Honduras.  —  Fausto  Ddvila. 

For  Panama.  —  Jose  Domingo  de  Obaldla. 

For  Cuba.  —  Gonzalo  de  Quesada,  Rafael  Montoro,  Antonio  Gonzdlez  Lanuza. 

For  the  Dominican  Republic.  —  Emilio  C.  Joubert. 

For  Peru.  —  Eugenio  Larabure  y  Unanue,  Antonio  Mir6  Quesada,  Mariano 
Comejo. 

For  El  Salvador.  —  Francisco  A.  Reyes. 

For  Costa  Rica.  —  Ascension  Esquivel. 

For  the  United  States  of  Mexico.  —  Francisco  Leon  de  La  Barra,  Ricardo 
Molina-HUbbe,  Ricardo  Garcia  Granados. 

For  Guatemala.  —  Antonio  Batres  Jauregui. 

For  Uruguay.  —  Luis  Melian  Lafiniu*,  Antonio  Maria  Rodriguez,  Gonzalo 
Ramirez. 

For  the  Argentine  Republic.  —  J.  V.  Gonzalez,  Jose  A.  Terry,  Eduardo  L. 
Bidau. 

For  Nicaragua.  —  Luis  F.  Corea. 

For  the  United  States  of  Brazil.  —  Joaquim  Aurelio  Nabuco  de  Araujo,  Joaquim 
Francisco  de  Assis  Brasil,  Gast&o  de  Cuulm,  Alfredo  de  Moraes  Gomes  Ferreira» 


THE  PAN  AMERICAN  UNION  225 

Jofto  Pandii  Calogeras,  Amaro  Cavalcanti,  Joaquim  Xavier  da  Silveira,  Jos4  P.  da 
Graga  Aranha,  Antonio  da  Fontoura  Xavier. 

For  the  United  States  of  America.  —  William  I.  Buchanan,  L.  S.  Rowe,  A.  J. 
Montague,  Tulio  Larrinaga,  Paul  S.  Reinsch,  Van  Leer  Polk. 

For  Chile.  —  Anselmo  Hevia  Riquelme,  Joaquin  Walker  Martinez,  Luis  Antonio 
Vergara,  Adolfo  Guerrero. 

ReMluHon  of  the  Governing  Board  and  letter  of  the  Secretary  of  State,  Mr.  Elihu  Root, 
to  Mr.  Andrew  Carnegie^  approved  at  the  meeting  of  December  19,  1906 

Whereas,  the  Chairman  of  the  Governing  Board  of  the  International  Bureau  of 
the  American  Republics  has  laid  before  this,  the  said  Board,  the  following  letter  sent 
by  him  as  chairman  to  Mr.  Andrew  Carnegie  and  has  asked  for  the  approval  thereof 
by  the  Board  —  that  is  to  say: 

Department  of  State, 
Washington,  December  4,  1906. 
My  Dear  Mr.  Carnegie:  Your  active  and  effective  coiiperation  in  promot- 
ing better  communication  between  the  countries  of  America  as  a  member  of 
the  commission  authorized  by  the  Second  Pan  American  Conference  held  in 
Mexico,  your  patriotic  citizenship  in  the  greatest  of  American  Republics,  your 
earnest  and  weighty  advocacy  of  peace  and  good  will  among  the  nations  of  the 
earth,  and  your  action  in  providing  a  suitable  building  for  the  International 
Tribunal  at  The  Hague  embolden  me  to  ask  your  aid  in  promoting  the  benefi- 
cent work  of  the  Union  of  American  Republics,  which  was  established  by  the 
Conference  of  Washington  in  1889,  continued  by  the  Conference  of  Mexico  in 
1902,  and  has  now  been  made  permanent  by  the  Conference  of  Rio  de  Janeiro 
in  1906.  There  is  a  general  feeling  that  the  Rio  Conference,  the  South  Ameri- 
can journey  of  the  Secretary  of  State,  and  the  expressions  of  courtesy  and 
kindly  feeling  which  accompanied  them  have  given  a  powerful  impulse  to  the 
growth  of  a  better  acquaintance  between  the  people  of  all  the  American  coun- 
tries, a  better  mutual  understanding  between  them,  the  establishment  of  a 
common  public  opinion,  and  the  reasonable  and  kindly  treatment  of  inter- 
national questions  in  the  place  of  isolation,  suspicion,  irritation,  strife,  and  war. 
There  is  also  a  general  opinion  that  while  the  action  of  the  Bureau  of  Ameri- 
can Republics,  designed  to  carry  on  this  work  from  conference  to  conference, 
has  been  excellent  so  far  as  it  has  gone,  the  scope  of  the  Bureau's  work  ought  to 
be  enlarged  and  its  activity  and  eflBciency  greatly  increased. 

To  accomplish  this,  a  building  adequate  to  the  magnitude  and  dignity  of  the 
great  work  to  be  done  is  indisi)ensable.  With  this  view  the  nations  constituting 
the  Union  have  expressed  their  willingness  to  contribute,  and  some  of  them 
have  contributed,  and  the  Congress  of  the  United  States  has,  at  its  last  session, 
appropriated,  to  the  extent  of  $200,000,  funds  available  for  the  purchase  of  a 
suitable  site  in  the  city  of  Washington.  With  this  view  also  the  Conference  at 
Rio  de  Janeiro,  on  the  13th  of  August,  1906,  adopted  resolutions  looking  to  the 
establishment  of  a  '  permanent  center  of  information  and  of  interchange  of 
ideas  among  the  Republics  of  this  Continent  as  well  as  a  building  suitable  for 
the  library  in  memory  of  Columbus,'  and  expressed  the  hope  that  *  before  the 


226    LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

meeting  of  the  next  International  American  Conference  the  International 
Bureau  of  American  Republics  shall  be  housed  in  such  a  way  as  to  permit  it  to 
properly  fulfill  the  important  functions  assigned  to  it  by  this  conference.' 

Those  functions  are,  in  brief,  to  give  eflFect  to  the  work  of  the  conference; 
to  carry  out  its  resolutions;  to  prepare  the  work  of  future  conferences;  to  dis- 
seminate through  each  American  country  a  knowledge  of  the  affairs,  the  senti- 
ments and  the  progress  of  every  other  American  country;  to  promote  better 
communication  and  more  constant  intercourse;  to  increase  the  interaction 
among  all  the  Republics  of  each  upon  the  others  in  conmierce,  in  education,  in 
the  arts  and  sciences,  and  in  political  and  social  life,  and  to  maintain  in  the  city 
of  Washington  a  headquarters,  a  meeting  place,  a  center  of  influence  for  the 
same  peaceful  and  enlightened  thought  and  conscience  of  all  America. 

I  feel  sure  of  your  hearty  sympathy  in  the  furtherance  of  this  undertaking, 
so  full  of  possibilities  for  the  peace  and  the  prosperity  of  America  and  of  man- 
kind, and  I  appeal  to  you  in  the  same  spirit  that  has  actuated  your  great  bene- 
factions to  humanity  in  the  past  to  provide  for  the  erection,  upon  the  site  thus 
to  be  supplied  by  governmental  action,  of  a  suitable  building  for  the  work  of  the 
Union,  the  direction  and  control  of  which  has  been  imposed  by  our  respective 
Governments  upon  the  Governing  Board,  of  which  I  have  the  honor  to  be 
Chairman 

With  great  respect  and  esteem,  I  am,  my  dear  Mr.  Carnegie, 
Very  sincerely  yours, 

EuHu  Root, 
Secretary  of  State  and  ex  officio  Chairman  of  the  Governing  Board  of  the  Bureau  of 
American  Republics, 

Now,  therefore,  be  it  resolved  that  the  action  of  the  Secretary  of  State,  as  Chair- 
man of  this  Board,  in  sending  the  aforesaid  letter  be,  and  it  hereby  is,  approved. 

Mr.  Carnegie  to  Mr.  Root. 

New  York,  January  1,  1907. 
Hon.  Elihu  Root, 

Secretary  of  State  and  ex  officio  Chairman  of  the  Governing  Board  of  the  Bureau  of 

South  American  Republics,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Deab  Sir:  I  am  greatly  pleased  that  you  and  yoiu*  colleagues  of  the  South 
American  Republics  have  done  me  the  honor  to  suggest  that  I  might  furnish  a 
suitable  home  in  Washington  for  the  Bureau  of  American  Republics. 

The  approval  of  yoiu*  application  by  the  Governing  Board  of  the  International 
Bureau  and  President  Roosevelt's  hearty  expressions  of  satisfaction  are  most 
gratifying. 

You  very  kindly  mention  my  membership  of  the  first  Pan  American  Conference 
and  advocacy  of  the  Pan  American  Railway,  the  gaps  of  which  are  being  slowly 
filled.  The  importance  of  this  enterprise  impresses  itself  more  and  more  upon  me, 
and  I  hope  to  see  it  accomplished. 

I  am  happy,  therefore,  in  stating  that  it  will  be  one  of  the  pleasures  of  my  life  to 
furnish  to  the  Union  of  all  the  Republics  of  this  hemisphere  the  necessary  funds 


THE  PAN  AMERICAN  UNION  227 

($750,000)  from  time  to  time  as  may  be  needed  for  the  construction  of  an  inter- 
national home  in  Washington. 

The  cooperation  of  our  own  Republic  is  seen  in  the  appropriation  of  funds  by 
Congress  for  the  purchase  of  the  site,  and  in  the  agreement  between  the  Republics 
for  the  maintenance  of  the  Bureau  we  have  additional  evidence  of  cooperation,  so 
that  the  forthcoming  American  Temple  of  Peace  will  be  the  joint  work  of  all  of  the 
Republics.    Every  generation  should  see  them  drawing  closer  together. 

It  is  a  cheering  thought  that  all  these  are  for  the  first  time  to  be  represented  at 
the  forthcoming  Hague  Conference.  Henceforth  they  are  members  of  that  body, 
whose  aim  is  the  settlement  of  international  disputes  by  that  "  High  Court  of 
Nations  "  or  other  similar  tribunal. 

I  beg  to  express  to  each  and  all  of  them  my  heartfelt  thanks  for  being  permitted 
to  make  such  a  New  Year's  gift  as  this.  I  have  never  felt  more  keenly  than  I  do 
this  New  Year's  morning  how  much  more  blessed  it  is  to  give  than  to  receive,  and 
I  consider  myself  highly  honored  by  being  considered  worthy  to  provide  the  forth- 
coming union  home,  where  the  accredited  representatives  of  all  the  Republics 
are  to  meet  and,  I  trust,  to  bind  together  their  respective  nations  in  the  bonds  of 
unbroken  peace. 

Very  truly,  yours, 

Anobew  Carnegie. 


RetoluUons  approved  by  the  Governing  Board  of  the  International  Bureau  of 
the  American  Republice,  January  30,  1907. 

ReeoUed,  That  the  letter  of  Mr.  Andrew  Carnegie  to  the  Chairman  of  the  Board, 
dated  January  1,  1907,  be  received  and  filed  and  spread  upon  the  minutes  of  the 
Board. 

Resolved,  That  the  Governing  Board  of  the  Bureau  of  American  Republics 
C3cpre«B  to  Mr.  Andrew  Cam^e  its  acceptance  and  grateful  appreciation  of  his 
generous  and  public-spirited  engagement  to  supply  the  funds  for  the  proposed  new 
building  for  the  Union  of  American  Republics.  The  Board  shares  with  Mr.  Carnegie 
the  hope  that  the  institution  whose  work  will  thus  be  promoted  may  further  the 
cause  of  peace  and  justice  among  nations  and  the  sincere  and  helpful  friendship  of 
all  the  American  Republics  for  each  other. 

Reeolvedt  That  the  Chairman  of  the  Board  communicate  a  copy  of  the  foregoing 
resolutions  to  Mr.  Carnegie. 

The  Governing  Board  of  the  International  Bureau  of  the  American  Republics 
further  resolves: 

1.  That  the  letter  of  the  Honorable  the  Secretary  of  SUte,  Mr.  Elihu  Root,  to 
Mr.  Andrew  Carnegie;  the  answer  of  this  distinguished  philanthropist,  and  the 
resolution  of  the  Governing  Board  accepting  this  splendid  gift  be  kept  on  file  with 
the  important  documents  of  the  Bureau;  and 

ft.  That  the  text  of  these  letters  and  the  resolutions  thereon  be  artistically 
engrossed  under  the  title  of  "  Carnegie's  Gift  to  the  International  Bureau  of  the 
American  Republics,"  and,  properly  framed,  to  form  a  part  of  the  exhibit  of 
the  Bureau  at  the  Jamestown  Tercentennial  Exposition, 


228     LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

On  May  11,  1908,  Mr.  Root,  then  secretary  of  state,  whose  forethought  and 
personal  efforts  had  made  its  construction  possible,  delivered  the  address  at  the 
laying  of  the  corner  stone,  and  later,  on  April  26, 1910,  when  he  was  no  longer  secre- 
tary of  state  but  senator  of  the  United  States  and  friend  of  the  Americas,  he 
delivered  the  principal  address  at  the  dedication  of  the  building.  These  two 
addresses  follow: 

ADDRESS   AT  THE  J.AYING   OF  THE  CORNER  STONE  OF  THE 

BUILDING  FOR   THE  PAN  AMERICAN  UNION 

WASHINGTON,  D.C.,  MAY  11,  1908 

WE  are  here  to  lay  the  corner  stone  of  the  building 
which  is  to  be  the  home  of  the  International  Union  of 
American  Republics. ^ 

The  wise  liberality  of  the  Congress  of  the  United  States 
has  provided  the  means  for  the  purchase  of  this  tract  of  land 
—  five  acres  in  extent  —  near  the  White  House  and  the  great 
executive  departments,  bounded  on  every  side  by  public 
streets  and  facing  to  the  east  and  south  upon  public  parks 
which  it  will  always  be  the  care  of  the  National  Government 
to  render  continually  more  beautiful,  in  execution  of  its 
design  to  make  the  national  capital  an  object  of  national 
pride  and  a  source  of  that  pleasure  which  comes  to  rich  and 
poor  alike  from  the  education  of  taste. 

The  public  spirit  and  enthusiasm  for  the  good  of  humanity, 
which  have  inspired  an  American  citizen,  Mr.  Andrew 
Carnegie,  in  his  administration  of  a  great  fortune,  have  led 
him  to  devote  the  adequate  and  ample  sum  of  three-quarters 
of  a  million  dollars  to  the  construction  of  the  building.^ 

Into  the  appropriate  adornment  and  fitting  of  the  edifice 
will  go  the  contributions  of  every  American  republic,  already 
pledged  and,  in  a  great  measure,  already  paid  into  the  fund 
of  the  Union. 

The  International  Union  for  which  the  building  is  erected 
is  a  voluntary  association,  the  members  of  which  are  all  the 

1  The  name  was  changed  to  the  Pan  American  Union  in  1910. 
*  Later  increased  to  $950,000. 


THE  PAN  AIVIERICAN  UNION  229 

American  nations  from  Cape  Horn  to  the  Great  Lakes.  It 
had  its  origin  in  the  first  Pan  American  conference  held  at 
Washington  in  1889,  and  it  has  been  developed  and  improved 
in  efficiency  under  the  resolutions  of  the  succeeding  confer- 
ences in  Mexico  and  Brazil.  Its  primary  object  is  to  break 
down  the  barriers  of  mutual  ignorance  between  the  nations 
of  America  by  collecting  and  making  accessible,  furnishing 
and  spreading,  information  about  every  country  among  the 
people  of  every  other  country  in  the  Union,  to  facilitate  and 
stimulate  intercourse,  trade,  acquaintance,  good  under- 
standing, fellowship,  and  sympathy.  For  this  purpose  it  has 
established  in  Washington  a  bureau  or  office  under  the  direc- 
tion of  a  governing  board  composed  of  the  official  represen- 
tatives in  Washington  of  all  the  republics,  and  having  a 
director  and  secretary,  with  a  force  of  assistants  and  trans- 
lators and  clerks. 

The  bureau  has  established  a  rapidly  increasing  library  of 
history,  travel,  description,  statistics,  and  literatiu*e  of  the 
American  nations.  It  publishes  a  Monthly  Bulletin  of  current 
pubhc  events  and  existing  conditions  in  all  the  united  coun- 
tries, which  is  circulated  in  every  country.  It  carries  on  an 
enormous  correspondence  with  every  part  of  both  continents, 
answering  the  questions  of  seekers  for  information  about  the 
laws,  customs,  conditions,  opportimities,  and  personnel  of 
the  different  countries;  and  it  has  become  a  medium  of  intro- 
duction and  guidance  for  international  intercourse. 

The  governing  board  is  also  a  permanent  committee 
charged  with  the  duty  of  seeing  that  the  resolutions  of  each 
Pan  American  conference  are  carried  out  and  that  suitable 
preparation  is  made  for  the  next  succeeding  conference. 

The  increasing  work  of  the  bureau  has  greatly  outgrown 
the  facilities  of  its  cramped  quarters  on  Pennsylvania 
Avenue,  and  now  at  the  close  of  its  second  decade  and  under 
the  influence  of  the  great  movement  of  awakened  sympathy 


230     LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

between  the  American  republics,  the  Union  stands  upon  the 
threshold  of  more  ample  opportunity  for  the  prosecution  of 
its  beneficent  activity. 

Many  noble  and  beautiful  public  buildings  record  the 
achievements  and  illustrate  the  impulses  of  modern  civiliza- 
tion. Temples  of  religion,  of  patriotism,  of  learning,  of  art, 
of  justice,  abound;  but  this  structure  will  stand  alone,  the 
first  of  its  kind  —  a  temple  dedicated  to  international  friend- 
ship. It  will  be  devoted  to  the  diffusion  of  that  international 
knowledge  which  dispels  national  prejudice  and  liberalizes 
national  judgment.  Here  will  be  fostered  the  growth  of  that 
sympathy  bom  of  similarity  in  good  impulses  and  noble 
purposes,  which  draws  men  of  different  races  and  countries 
together  into  a  community  of  nations,  and  counteracts  the 
tendency  of  selfish  instincts  to  array  nations  against  each 
other  as  enemies.  From  this  source  shall  spring  mutual 
helpfulness  between  all  the  American  republics,  so  that  the 
best  knowledge  and  experience  and  courage  and  hope  of 
every  republic  shall  lend  moral  power  to  sustain  and 
strengthen  every  other  in  its  struggle  to  work  out  its  prob- 
lems and  to  advance  the  standard  of  liberty  and  peace  with 
justice  within  itseK,  and  so  that  no  people  in  all  these  conti- 
nents, however  oppressed  and  discouraged,  however  impov- 
erished and  torn  by  disorder,  shall  fail  to  feel  that  they 
are  not  alone  in  the  world,  or  shall  fail  to  see  that  for  them 
a  better  day  may  dawn,  as  for  others  the  sun  has  already 
arisen. 

It  is  too  much  to  expect  that  there  will  not  be  controver- 
sies between  American  nations  to  whose  desire  for  harmony 
we  now  bear  witness;  but  to  every  controversy  will  apply 
the  truth  that  there  are  no  international  controversies  so 
serious  that  they  cannot  be  settled  peaceably  if  both  parties 
really  desire  peaceable  settlement,  while  there  are  few  causes 
of  dispute  so  trifling  that  they  cannot  be  made  the  occasion  of 


THE  PAN  AMERICAN  UNION  231 

war  if  either  party  really  desires  war.  The  matters  in  dis- 
pute between  nations  are  nothing;  the  spirit  which  deals 
with  them  is  everything. 

The  graceful  courtesy  of  the  twenty  republics  who  have 
agreed  upon  the  capital  of  the  United  States  for  the  home  of 
this  International  Union,  the  deep  appreciation  of  that 
courtesy  shown  by  the  American  Government  and  this  repre- 
sentative American  citizen,  and  the  work  to  be  done  within 
the  walls  that  are  to  rise  on  this  site,  cannot  fail  to  be  power- 
ful influences  towards  the  creation  of  a  spirit  that  will  solve 
all  disputed  questions  of  the  future  and  preserve  the  peace 
of  the  Western  World. 

May  the  structure  now  begun  stand  for  many  generations 
to  come  as  the  visible  evidence  of  mutual  respect,  esteem, 
appreciation,  and  kindly  feeling  between  the  peoples  of  all  the 
republics;  may  pleasant  memories  of  hospitality  and  friend- 
ship gather  about  it,  and  may  all  the  Americas  come  to  feel 
that  for  them  this  place  is  home,  for  it  is  theirs,  the  product 
of  a  common  effort  and  the  instrument  of  a  common  purpose. 

ADDRESS  AT  THE  DEDICATION  OF  THE  BUILDING  OF  THE 

*J^  AMERICAN  UNION.  WASHINGTON.  D.  C. 

APRIL  26.  1010 

I  AM  sure  that  this  beautiful  building  must  produce  a  lively 
sense  of  grateful  appreciation  in  all  who  care  for  the 
growth  of  friendship  among  Americans;  to  Mr.  Carnegie, 
not  merely  for  his  generous  gift  but  for  the  large  sympathy 
and  far  vision  that  prompted  it;  and  to  the  associate 
architects,  Mr.  Albert  Kelsey  and  Mr.  Paul  Cret,  who, 
not  content  with  making  this  structure  express  their  sense 
of  artistic  form  and  proportion,  have  entered  with  the  devo- 
tion and  self-absorption  of  true  art  into  the  spirit  of  the 
design  for  which  their  bricks  and  marble  are  to  stand.  They 
have  brought  into  happy  companionship  architectural  sug- 


232     LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

gestions  of  the  North  and  of  the  South;  and  have  wrought 
into  construction  and  ornament  in  a  hundred  ways  the  art, 
the  symbolism,  the  traditions,  and  the  history  of  all  the 
American  republics;  and  they  have  made  the  building  a  true 
expression  of  Pan  Americanism,  of  open  mind  and  open 
heart  for  all  that  is  true  and  noble  and  worthy  of  respect 
from  whatever  race  or  religion  or  language  or  custom  in  the 
western  continents. 

Nor  should  we  forget  the  fine  enthusiasm  and  under- 
standing with  which  Mr.  Borglum  and  Mr.  Conti  and  Mrs. 
Famham  and  Mrs.  Whitney  have  brought  sculpture  to  aid 
the  architects'  expression;  nor  the  honest  and  faithful  work  of 
Mr.  Norcross,  the  builder;  nor  the  kind  help  of  Mr.  William 
Smith,  of  the  Botanical  Garden,  who  has  filled  the  patio  with 
tropical  plants  rare  and  strange  to  northern  eyes,  but  familiar 
friends  to  the  Latin  American;  nor  the  energy  and  unweary- 
ing labors  of  Mr.  Barrett,  the  director  of  the  bureau. 

The  active  interest  of  President  Taft  and  Secretary  Knox 
is  evidence  that  the  policy  of  Pan  American  friendship,  re- 
inaugurated  by  the  sympathetic  genius  of  Secretary  Blaine, 
is  continuous  and  permanent  in  the  United  States;  and  the 
harmony  in  which  the  members  of  the  governing  board  have 
worked  to  this  end  is  a  good  omen  for  the  future. 

This  building  is  to  be,  in  its  most  manifest  utilitarian  ser- 
vice, a  convenient  instrument  for  association  and  growth  of 
mutual  knowledge  among  the  people  of  the  different  repub- 
Kcs.  The  hbrary  maintained  here,  the  books  and  journals 
accessible  here,  the  useful  and  interesting  publications  of 
the  bureau,  the  enormous  correspondence  carried  on  with 
seekers  for  knowledge  about  American  countries,  the  oppor- 
tunities now  afforded  for  further  growth  in  all  these  activities, 
justify  the  pains  and  the  expense. 

The  building  is  more  important,  however,  as  the  symbol, 
the  ever-present  reminder,  the  perpetual  assertion,  of  unity. 


THE  PAN  AIVIERICAN  UNION  233 

of  common  interest  and  purpose  and  hope  among  all  the 
republics.  This  building  is  a  confession  of  faith,  a  covenant 
of  fraternal  duty,  a  declaration  of  allegiance  to  an  ideal. 
The  members  of  The  Hague  conference  of  1907  described 
the  conference  in  the  preamble  of  its  great  arbitration  con- 
vention as: 

Animated  by  the  sincere  desire  to  work  for  the  maintenance  of 
general  peace. 

Resolved  to  promote  by  all  the  efforts  in  their  power  the  friendly 
settlement  of  international  disputes. 

Recognizing  the  solidarity  uniting  the  members  of  the  society  of 
civilized  nations. 

Desirous  of  extending  the  empire  of  law  and  of  strengthening  the 
appreciation  of  international  justice. 

That  is  the  meaning  of  this  building  for  the  republics  of 
America.  That  sentiment  which  all  the  best  in  modem 
civilization  is  trying  to  live  up  to,  we  have  written  here  in 
marble  for  the  people  of  the  American  continents. 

•The  process  of  civilization  is  by  association.  In  isolation, 
men,  communities,  nations,  tend  back  towards  savagery. 
Repellent  differences  and  dislikes  separate  them  from  man- 
kind.* In  association,  similarities  and  attractions  are  felt  and 
differences  are  forgotten.  There  is  so  much  more  good  than 
evil  in  men  that  liking  comes  by  knowing.  We  have  here  the 
product  of  mutual  knowledge,  cooperation,  harmony,  friend- 
ship. Here  is  an  evidence  of  what  these  can  accomplish. 
Here  is  an  earnest  of  what  may  be  done  in  the  futiu'e.  From 
these  windows  the  governing  board  of  the  International 
Union  will  look  down  upon  the  noble  river  that  flows  by  the 
home  of  Washington.  They  will  sit  beneath  the  shadow  of 
the  simple  and  majestic  monument  which  illustrates  our 
conception  of  his  character,  the  character  that,  beyond  all 
others  in  human  history,  rises  above  jealousy  and  envy  and 
ignoble  strife.  All  the  nations  acknowledge  his  preeminent 
influence.    He  belongs  to  them  all.    No  man  lives  in  free- 


234     LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

dom  anywhere  on  earth  who  is  not  his  debtor  and  his  fol- 
lower. We  dedicate  this  place  to  the  service  of  the  political 
faith  in  which  he  lived  and  wrought.  Long  may  this  struc- 
ture stand,  while  within  its  walls  and  under  the  influence 
of  the  benign  purpose  from  which  it  sprang,  the  habit 
and  the  power  of  self-control,  of  mutual  consideration  and 
kindly  judgment,  more  and  more  exclude  the  narrowness 
and  selfishness  and  prejudice  of  ignorance  and  the  hasty 
impulses  of  super-sensitive  amour  prajpre.  May  men  hereafter 
come  to  see  that  here  is  set  a  milestone  in  the  path  of  Ameri- 
can civilization  towards  the  reign  of  that  universal  public 
opinion  which  shall  condemn  all  who  through  contentious 
spirit  or  greed  or  selfish  ambition  or  lust  for  power  disturb 
the  public  peace,  as  enemies  of  the  general  good  of  the 
American  republics. 

One  voice  that  should  have  spoken  here  today  is  silent, 
but  many  of  us  cannot  forget  or  cease  to  mourn  and  to  honor 
our  dear  and  noble  friend,  Joaquim  Nabuco.  Ambassador 
from  Brazil,  dean  of  the  American  Diplomatic  Corps, 
respected,  admired,  trusted,  loved,  and  followed  by  all  of 
us,  he  was  a  commanding  figure  in  the  international  move- 
ment of  which  the  erection  of  this  building  is  a  part. 
The  breadth  of  his  political  philosophy,  the  nobility  of  his 
idealism,  the  prophetic  vision  of  his  poetic  imagination,  were 
joined  to  wisdom,  to  the  practical  sagacity  of  statesmanship, 
to  a  sjonpathetic  knowledge  of  men,  and  to  a  heart  as  sensi- 
tive and  tender  as  a  woman's.  He  followed  the  design  and 
construction  of  this  building  with  the  deepest  interest.  His 
beneficent  influence  impressed  itself  upon  all  of  our  actions. 
No  benison  can  be  pronounced  upon  this  great  institution  so 
rich  in  promise  for  its  future  as  the  wish  that  his  ennobling 
memory  may  endure  and  his  civilizing  spirit  may  control, 
in  the  councils  of  the  International  Union  of  American 
Republics. 


OUR  SISTER  REPUBLIC— ARGENTINA 

ADDRESS  AT  THE  BANQUET  OF  THE  CHAMBER  OF  COMMERCE 
OF  THE  STATE  OF  NEW  YORK  TO  THE  OFFICERS  OF  THE 
FOREIGN  AND  UNITED  STATES  SQUADRONS  WHICH  ESCORTED 
THE  SPANISH  CARAVELS  TO  NEW  YORK,  APRIL  28,  1893 

IT  is  my  pleasant  privilege  to  res|X)nd  to  a  toast  to  an  off- 
spring of  old  Spain,  a  direct  lineal  descendant,  an  inheritor 
of  her  blood,  her  faith  and  her  language. 

It  is  only  a  young  republic,  only  an  American  republic. 
No  historic  centuries  invest  her  with  romance  or  with  inter- 
est; but  she  b  great  in  glorious  promise  of  the  future,  and 
great  in  manifest  power  to  fulfill  the  promise. 

Far  away  to  the  southward,  beyond  the  great  empire  of 
the  Amazon,  beyond  the  equatorial  heats,  there  stretches  a 
vast  land,  from  the  latitude  of  Cuba  on  the  north  to  the  lati- 
tude of  Hudson  Bay  on  the  south,  and  from  the  Andes  to 
the  Eastern  Sea.  In  this  land  mighty  rivers  flow  through 
vast  forests,  and  immeasurable  plains  stretch  from  ocean  to 
mountains,  with  a  soil  of  inexhaustible  fertility,  under  every 
variety  of  healthful  and  invigorating  climate. 

All  this  we  know;  but  we  must  not  forget,  and  we  cannot 
forget  tonight,  that  this  great  land,  capable  of  supporting  in 
plenty  all  the  teeming  millions  of  Europe,  is  possessed  by  the 
people  of  a  free  constitutional  republic,  of  all  the  sisterhood 
of  nations,  in  form,  in  feature  and  in  character,  the  most  like 
to  ourselves. 

For  forty  years  the  Argentine  Republic  has  lived  and  gov- 
erned itself  under  a  constitution  in  all  material  respects  the 
exact  counterpart  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States. 
Its  constitution  was  avowedly  modelled  after  ours.     For 


236     LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

forty  years,  in  fourteen  separate  states  like  our  own,  the 
people  of  Argentina  have  preserved  the  sacred  right  of  local 
self-government.  For  forty  years  they  have  maintained  at 
the  same  time  the  sovereignty  of  their  nation;  and  by  the 
constancy  of  their  past  they  have  given  a  high  and  ever- 
increasing  credit  to  their  promise  that  for  the  future,  under 
Southern  Cross  as  imder  Northern  Star,  government  by  the 
people,  of  the  people,  and  for  the  people,  shall  endure. 

Under  this  constitutional  system  they  have  framed  for 
themselves  wise  and  liberal  laws.  They  have  constructed 
extensive  works  of  internal  improvement;  and  water-ways, 
and  railroads,  and  telegraph  lines,  all  invite  to  the  develop- 
ment of  their  vast  natural  wealth.  They  have  established 
universal  religious  toleration.  They  have  protected  the 
rights  of  private  property  and  of  personal  liberty.  They 
have  created  and  maintained  a  great  system  of  public  educa- 
tion. In  more  than  three  thousand  public  common  schools 
over  a  quarter  of  a  million  children  are  today  learning  how  to 
be  good  citizens.  Grading  up  from  these  common  schools 
through  lyceums  in  every  state  and  two  great  universities, 
the  pathway  of  higher  education  is  open  to  all  the  people 
of  the  repubhc. 

Under  such  a  constitution  and  such  laws,  Argentina  has 
made  greater  material  progress  and  greater  advance  in  the  art 
of  self-government,  during  our  generation,  than  any  people 
upon  the  western  hemisphere,  unless  it  be,  perhaps,  our  own. 

We  remember,  too,  that  the  people  of  Argentina,  like  our 
own  fathers,  won  their  liberty  by  struggle  and  by  sacrifice. 
They  made  their  fight  for  independence  at  a  time  when 
Europe  was  exhausted  by  the  Napoleonic  wars.  They 
attracted  but  httle  attention  and  less  aid  from  the  Old 
V/orld.  No  Byron  enshrined  their  heroism  in  deathless  verse; 
no  Rousseau  with  the  philosophy  of  humanity  awoke  for 


OUR  SISTER  REPUBLIC  — ARGENTINA        237 

them  generous  and  effective  enthusiasm  in  the  breasts  of  a 
Lafayette  or  a  Rochambeau,  a  Von  Steuben  or  a  Kosciusko. 

Alone  and  imaided  they  fought  their  fight.  Dependent 
upon  themselves,  on  the  ninth  of  July,  seventy-seven  years 
ago,  they  made  their  own  declaration  of  independence,  com- 
memorated in  the  name  of  that  thing  of  beauty  and  of  power 
which  today  floats  upon  the  bosom  of  the  Hudson,  a  peer 
among  the  embattled  navies  of  the  world.  They  made  good 
that  declaration  against  all  odds,  through  hardship,  through 
suffering,  through  seas  of  blood,  with  desperate  valor  and 
lofty  heroism,  worthy  the  plaudits  of  the  world. 

And  then  they  conquered  themselves;  learned  the  hard 
lesson  of  subordinating  personal  ambition  to  law,  to  order,  to 
the  public  weal. 

And  today  more  people  than  followed  Washington  with 
their  hopes  and  prayers  enjoy  the  blessings  of  liberty  and 
I>eace,  and  the  security  of  established  and  equal  laws,  won  for 
them  by  the  patriots  who  gave  their  lives  for  their  country  on 
the  plains  of  Argentina. 

These  people  have  not  only  done  all  this  for  themselves, 
but  they  also  have  opened  their  arms  to  all  the  people  of 
the  earth,  and  have  welcomed  to  their  shores  the  poor,  the 
humble,  the  downcast  of  all  lands.  So  that  scores  of  thou- 
sands of  French,  of  Italians,  of  Germans,  of  English,  of  Span- 
iards, coming  not  as  their  fathers  came,  in  mailed  forms  to 
conquer  savage  foes  —  but  imder  peaceful  flags  —  a  million 
and  a  half  of  men  from  all  civilized  lands  of  Europe,  have 
come  to  share  the  peace,  the  plenty  and  the  freedom  of  the 
young  repubhc;  and  to  contribute  to  her  prosperity  and 
wealth.  Every  guest  at  our  board  tonight  may  feel  his  pulses 
beat  in  unison  with  the  sentiment  of  health  and  prosperity 
to  the  new  land  where  his  own  kindred  have  found  new 
homes  and  hopes. 


238     LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

If  there  be  truth  in  the  philosophy  of  history  —  if  the 
crossing  of  stocks,  the  blending  of  races,  makes  the  strong 
new  race,  with  capacity  and  power  to  press  forward  and 
upward  the  standard  of  civilization,  the  future  is  to  find  the 
people  of  Argentina  in  the  forefront  of  human  progress. 

And  so,  from  the  Hudson  to  the  La  Plata,  from  the  plains 
to  the  Pampas,  from  the  Rockies  to  the  Andes,  from  the  old 
American  republic  to  the  young  American  republic,  from 
sister  to  sister,  with  the  same  convictions  and  hopes  and 
aspirations,  we  send  sincere  and  hearty  greeting,  congratu- 
lation and  God-speed. 


OUR  SISTER  REPUBLIC— BRAZIL 

ADDRESS  OF  WELCOME  TO  DR.  LAURO  MULLER,  SECRETARY  OF 
STATE  FOR  FOREIGN  AFFAIRS  OF  BRAZIL,  AT  A  BANQUET  OF 
THE  CHAMBER  OF  COMMERCE  OF  THE  STATE  OF  NEW  YORK. 
JUNE  18,  1913 

The  republic  of  Brazil  designated  its  minister  for  foreign  affairs,  Dr.  Lauro 
MtiUer,  to  return  officially  Mr.  Root's  visit  to  that  republic,  and  the  following 
address  was  delivered  by  Mr.  Root  at  the  dinner  given  by  the  Chamber  of  Com- 
merce of  the  State  of  New  York  to  His  Excellency,  Lauro  MUller,  Secretary  of 
State  for  Foreign  Affairs  of  the  Republic  of  Brazil. 

WHEN  in  the  various  pathways  that  one  treads  in  a 
long  life  one  has  made  friends,  has  garnered  the 
wealth  of  friendship,  that  is  more  the  happiness  of  age  than 
wealth  of  money  or  possession,  I  know  of  nothing  more 
delightful  than  to  help  bring  together  distant  and  separated 
friends  and  complete  that  circuit  of  magnetic  intercourse 
which,  after  aU,  above  all  sordid  motives,  above  all  selfish 
interests,  above  all  things  material,  makes  up  the  true  value 
of  life. 

I  cannot  express  the  satisfaction  that  I  feel  in  having  you, 
my  friends,  the  Chamber  of  Commerce,  unite  in  taking  the 
hand,  and  coming  into  personal  contact  with,  my  old  friend 
and  host  of  the  southern  repubhc.  I  feel  that  you  are  all 
paying  my  debt  of  gratitude,  paying  it  as  friends  should  pay 
it  for  friends. 

Dr.  Miiller,  you  have  come  to  see  a  people  widely  known 
throughout  the  world  for  their  great  material  achievements, 
a  people  whose  influence  has  been  very  great  in  the  develop- 
ment of  civilization  and  in  the  advancement  of  those  stand- 
ards of  living  and  of  action  which  we  believe  make  our  times 
better  than  the  times  that  have  gone  before;  and  you  see 
here  about  you  at  these  tables,  and  in  the  portraits  upon 

280 


240     LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

these  walls,  the  men  who,  for  nearly  a  century  and  a  half 
have  played  a  great,  aye,  the  greatest  part  in  the  amazing 
material  developments  and  in  the  spiritual  life  of  this  repub- 
lic. Those  who  are  living  today  under  the  inspiration  and 
the  spirit  of  the  great  citizens  who  have  gone  before  are 
gathered  to  do  you  honor  and  do  your  country  honor.  What 
has  been  done  in  the  United  States  of  America,  has  been 
done,  not  by  the  power  of  money;  it  has  been  done,  not 
under  the  influence  of  selfish  motives;  it  has  been  done  under 
the  influence  of  noble  ideals,  of  great  minds,  and  of  great 
hearts  directing  and  guiding  and  leading  the  mighty  affairs 
of  a  great  people.  And  here  are  representatives,  not  all,  but 
many,  of  the  foremost  representatives  of  that  American 
spirit  which  has  accomplished  everything  which  you  have 
seen  in  your  journey  here. 

My  friends  of  the  Chamber  of  Commerce,  some  years  ago 
when  it  fell  to  my  lot  to  visit  South  America,  for  the  purpose 
of  carrying  to  the  minds  of  our  southern  sisters  a  true  mes- 
sage of  the  real  feeling  of  our  people  towards  them,  for  the 
purpose  of  getting  a  hearing  among  the  peoples  of  South 
.  America,  which  could  not  be  gained  through  the  newspapers, 
which  could  not  be  gained  in  any  other  way  than  by  direct 
personal  contact  and  by  the  influence  of  one  personality 
meeting  another,  for  the  purpose  of  doing  away  with  the 
false  and  distorted  ideas  that  our  great  country  was  possessed 
by  ambition  and  the  lust  of  conquest  and  the  desire  for 
dominion  over  other  lands,  I  met  in  Brazil  the  most  noble 
and  generous  hospitality.  No  nation  of  men  could  have 
exhibited  in  a  higher  degree  all  those  qualities  which  make 
men  love  each  other  than  the  people  of  Brazil  exhibited  to 
me  on  my  visit  there.  The  noble  traditions  of  their  race,  all 
the  great-heartedness  of  the  grandees  of  the  Iberian  Penin- 
sula, all  those  sentiments  which  have  made  them  jpar  excel- 
lence the  gentlemen  of  civilization  were  exhibited  in  the 


OUR  SISTER  REPUBLIC— BRAZIL  241 

welcome  they  gave  to  you,  to  our  people,  through  me  as 
their  representative. 

In  that  land  of  surpassing  beauty,  in  that  scene  upon  the 
Bay  of  Rio,  with  its  shining  waters  and  its  blue  mountains, 
in  that  city  which  has  all  the  romance  of  fair  Ionian  cities, 
I  found  a  depth  and  warmth  of  friendship,  a  depth  of  patriot- 
ism and  love  for  their  own  country,  a  response  to  the  message 
of  humanity,  and  a  warm  acceptance  of  the  tender  of  friend- 
ship which  made  the  people  of  Brazil  ever  to  me  a  group  of 
dearly  loved  and  always  to  be  remembered  friends.  And 
among  the  first  of  them  all  was  our  guest  of  this  evening. 
His  personal  hospitality  I  shall  never  forget.  He  knew  not 
the  words  inconvenience  or  trouble.  One  would  have  thought 
he  had  no  other  duties  to  perform  but  to  make  the  stranger 
who  came  from  the  distant  republic  of  the  north  at  home 
and  happy,  and  he  did  it  as  the  men  of  his  coimtry  know 
how  to  do  it.  Even  then  he  held  a  great  place  in  the  govern- 
ment of  his  country;  and  it  is  a  matter  of  the  utmost  satis- 
faction to  me  that  his  people  have  continued  their  confidence 
in  him  and  have  led  him  along  step  by  step  to  higher  and 
higher  office,  so  that  today  he  stands  in  the  forefront  of  the 
statesmen  who  are  making  Brazil  one  of  the  great  world 
powers  of  our  modem  civilization. 

It  is  not,  my  friends,  a  mere  gathering  of  courtesy  tonight. 
We  are  not  merely  performing  a  duty  of  hospitality  to  the 
representative  of  a  foreign  state,  when  we  exhibit  our  sin- 
cere friendship  and  our  kindly  feelings  toward  Dr.  MUller 
and  his  country;  we  are  doing  for  ourselves  something  of 
inestimable  value,  and  we  are  doing  something  of  inesti- 
mable value  for  the  people  of  our  country. 

Of  late  the  electors  of  America,  the  unofficial  people  of 
America,  are  demanding,  asserting  and  laying  hold  upon 
more  and  more  direct  relation  to  the  powers  of  government; 
but  a  democracy  when  it  undertakes  to  govern  directly. 


242     LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

needs  to  remember  that  there  are  no  rights  without  a  duty, 
there  is  no  duty  without  a  right;  and  if  a  democracy  is  to 
govern  itself  well  it  must  realize  its  responsibilities.  We  have 
been  so  isolated,  we  have  been  so  free  from  wars  and  rumors 
of  wars,  so  little  inconvenienced  by  interference  on  the  part  of 
other  nations  in  our  vast  domain,  so  busy  with  our  internal 
affairs,  that  the  people  of  the  United  States  know  but  little, 
think  but  little,  and  care  but  little  regarding  foreign  affairs. 
If  the  people  of  the  United  States  are  themselves  to  direct 
their  foreign  affairs  they  must  come  to  a  realizing  sense  of 
their  responsibilities  in  foreign  affairs;  and  first  among  those 
responsibilities  is  the  duty  of  courtesy,  the  duty  of  kindly 
consideration,  the  duty  to  subordinate  selfish  interests  to  the 
broader  interests  of  the  nations  of  the  world;  the  duty  to  treat 
every  other  nation  with  that  judicial  sense  of  others'  rights 
which  differentiates  all  diplomacy  from  the  controversies 
of  courts  or  the  clashing  of  business  interests. 

Our  people,  if  their  voice  is  to  be  heard  in  foreign  affairs, 
must  learn  that  we  cannot  continue  a  policy  of  peace  with 
insult;  we  must  learn  civility,  we  must  learn  that  when  we 
speak,  when  an  American  sovereign  speaks  of  the  affairs  of 
other  nations,  he  speaks  under  responsibility,  and  he  must 
observe  those  rules  of  courtesy  and  of  friendly  relations  by 
which  alone  can  the  peace  of  the  world  be  maintained. 

Today  we  hear  much  of  peace  and  persuasion  for  peace. 
Let  me  tell  you  that  the  great  peace  agencies  of  the  world 
today  are  the  governments  of  the  world.  Hitherto,  in 
Dr.  Muller's  visit,  he  has  been  in  the  main  entertained  by 
the  American  Government  and  the  people  connected  with  the 
American  Government;  but  the  responsibility  for  inter- 
national friendship  and  international  peace  today  rests  not 
with  governments  that  are  always  for  peace,  but  with  the 
people.  It  is  the  people  from  whom  the  danger  of  war  comes 
today;  it  is  the  people,  so  far  as  they  are  unwilling  to  exer- 


OUR  SISTER  REPUBLIC— BRAZIL  243 

cise  self-restraint  and  all  the  qualities  which  go  to  make  for 
agreeable  and  kindly  and  friendly  relations  with  other  people. 

So,  to  my  mind  your  meeting  here  to  extend  the  right  hand 
of  fellowship  to  Dr.  Miiller,  to  express  to  him  the  feeling  of 
kindliness  towards  his  country,  in  its  representation  of  the 
people  of  the  United  States  and  as  one  of  the  multitude  of 
incidents  exercising  an  influence  over  the  people,  is  of  greater 
value  and  greater  importance  than  anything  that  the  official 
Government  of  the  United  States  can  do. 

We  have  had  for  now  ninety  years  a  special  political  rela- 
tion to  the  southern  republics.  Since  the  time  when  Monroe 
announced  the  doctrine  which  carries  the  necessary  implica- 
tion that  every  foot  of  soil  upon  the  two  American  continents 
is  under  a  government  competent  to  govern,  no  longer  open 
to  colonization  as  the  waste  places  of  the  earth  are  open,  — 
from  that  time  to  this,  special  and  peculiar  political  relations 
have  existed  between  the  United  States  and  the  other  coun- 
tries of  the  western  continent. /Thank  Heaven  the  need  for 
it,  the  need  for  the  protection  that  came  from  that  great  asser- 
tion, is  growing  less  and  less.  There  are  some  parts  of  the  con- 
tinent as  to  which  the  necessities  of  the  Monroe  Doctrine,  as 
it  regards  our  safety,  do  not  grow  less;  but  as  to  those  great 
republics  in  South  America  which  have  passed  out  of  the 
condition  of  militarism,  out  of  the  condition  of  revolution, 
into  the  condition  of  industrialism,  into  the  paths  of  success- 
ful commerce,  and  are  becoming  great  and  powerful  nations, 
the  Monroe  Doctrine  has  done  its  workj  And  the  thing 
above  all  things  that  I  hope  and  trust  and  believe  the  people 
of  South  America  will  become  permanently  convinced  of  is, 
that  there  is  neither  to  the  Monroe  Doctrine  nor  any  other  doc- 
trine or  puri>ose  of  the  American  Government  any  corollary 
of  dominion  or  aggression,  or  of  aught  but  equal  friendship. 

There  is  a  national  spirit  and  a  national  purpose  and  a 
national  ideal  quite  apart  from  individual  purpose  or  indi- 


244     LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

vidual  ideals.  I  am  one  of  those  who  beheve  that  for  the 
existence  of  a  truly  great  nation  there  must  be  an  ideal  of 
altruism.  I  believe  that  no  people  can  be  truly  great  which 
has  no  national  and  collective  purpose  that  is  not  selfish. 
I  believe  that  our  country  has  a  mission  in  the  world;  has 
great  deeds  to  accomplish  for  the  world;  has  a  great  future 
of  beneficence  for  civilization;  and  that  our  sense  of  this, 
dim  and  vague  doubtless  among  us  in  the  main,  buoys  us 
up  and  makes  us  better  patriots  and  makes  our  country  the 
great  nation  that  we  love  and  honor.  And  directly  to  your 
hands  in  the  accomplishment  of  the  great  national  purpose, 
making  all  our  prosperity,  all  our  power,  all  our  capital  and 
our  labor  instruments  for  the  bettering  of  mankind,  for  the 
progress  of  civilization  and  for  the  coming  of  the  effective 
and  universal  rule  of  the  religion  which  we  profess,  right  at 
your  hands,  as  the  first  and  plainest  duty,  is  the  cementing 
of  the  bonds  of  friendship  between  our  repubhc  and  our 
sister  republics  of  the  continent. 

We  have  much  to  learn  from  Brazil  —  I  hope  she  may  learn 
much  from  us;  and  the  interchange  of  benefits  between  us 
will  but  make  stronger  a  friendship  which  carries  with  it  the 
recognition  of  benefits.  I  sincerely  hope.  Dr.  Miiller,  upon 
your  return  to  Brazil,  you  may  feel  it  in  your  heart  to  tell 
your  people  that  here,  while  we  are  pursuing  our  business 
careers,  earnest  in  competition,  eager  to  improve  our  -condi- 
tions, anxious  for  trade,  desirous  of  the  greatness  and  glory 
of  our  country,  we  seek  those  ends  only  through  universal 
friendship,  through  carrying,  so  far  as  we  can,  the  benefits  of 
peace  and  prosperity  to  all  our  sister  republics,  in  order  that 
you  and  we  may  grow  stronger  and  greater  together,  and 
that  Brazil,  with  its  enormous  resources,  with  its  patriotic 
people,  with  its  brilliant  minds,  with  its  bright  future,  may 
go  hand  in  hand  with  the  republic  of  the  north  to  ever 
happier  and  happier  conditions  for  all  our  people. 


HOW  TO  DEVELOP  SOUTH  AMERICAN 
COMMERCE 

ADDRESS  BEFORE  THE  TRANS-MISSISSIPPI  COMMERCIAL 
CONGRESS.  KANSAS  CITY.  MISSOURI.  NOVEMBER  20.  1906 

Sir  Henry  Wotton  is  credited  with  the  statement  that  '*  an  ambassador  is  an 
honest  man  sent  abroad  to  lie  for  the  commonwealth  ",  a  definition  half  in  jest  but 
not  without  a  touch  of  seriousness.  The  feeling  is  making  itself  manifest  which 
wiU  soon  become  universal,  that  an  ambassador  b  an  honest  man  sent  abroad  to 
represent  the  people  of  his  own  country  to  the  people  of  the  country  to  which  he  is 
accredited.  Mr.  Root,  not  sent  to  South  America,  but  going  on  his  own  initiative, 
was  an  ambassador  in  this  modem  sense  of  the  word  to  the  Latin  American  states 
in  1006;  and  upon  his  return  he  enlarged  the  meaning  of  the  function  of  an  ambas- 
sador by  representing  to  his  countrymen  the  peoples  whom  he  had  visited  in  South 
America.  The  three  addresses  delivered  before  the  Trans-Mississippi  Commercial 
Congress,  the  National  Convention  for  the  Extension  of  Foreign  Commerce  of  the 
United  States,  and  the  Pan  American  Commercial  Conference  are  conceived  in  this 
spirit  and  were  delivered  in  the  performance  of  a  continuous  mission. 

A  LITTLE  less  than  three  centuries  of  colonial  and 
national  life  have  brought  the  people  inhabiting  the 
United  States,  by  a  process  of  evolution,  natural  and,  with 
the  existing  forces  inevitable,  to  a  point  of  distinct  and 
radical  change  in  their  economic  relations  to  the  rest  of 
mankind. 

During  the  period  now  past,  the  energy  of  our  people, 
directed  by  the  formative  power  created  in  our  early  popu- 
lation by  heredity,  by  environment,  by  the  struggle  for 
existence,  by  individual  independence,  and  by  free  institu- 
tions, has  been  devoted  to  the  internal  development  of  our 
own  coimtry.  The  surplus  wealth  produced  by  our  labors 
has  been  applied  immediately  to  reproduction  in  our  own 
land.  We  have  been  cutting  down  forests  and  breaking 
virgin  soil  and  fencing  prairies  and  opening  mines  of  coal  and 
iron  and  copper  and  silver  and  gold,  and  building  roads  and 

S45 


246     LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

canals  and  railroads  and  telegraph  lines  and  cars  and  loco- 
motives and  mills  and  furnaces  and  schoolhouses  and  colleges 
and  libraries  and  hospitals  and  asylums  and  public  buildings 
and  storehouses  and  shops  and  homes.  We  have  been  draw- 
ing on  the  resources  of  the  world  in  capital  and  in  labor  to 
aid  us  in  our  work.  We  have  gathered  strength  from  every 
rich  and  powerful  nation  and  expended  it  upon  these  home 
undertakings;  into  them  we  have  poured  hundreds  of  mil- 
lions of  money  attracted  from  the  investors  of  Europe.  We 
have  been  always  a  debtor  nation,  borrowing  from  the  rest 
of  the  world,  drawing  all  possible  energy  towards  us  and 
concentrating  it  with  our  own  energy  upon  our  own  enter- 
prises. The  engrossing  pursuit  of  our  own  opportunities  has 
excluded  from  our  consideration  and  interest  the  enterprises 
and  the  possibilities  of  the  outside  world.  Invention,  dis- 
covery, the  progress  of  science,  capacity  for  organization,  the 
enormous  increase  in  the  productive  power  of  mankind,  have 
accelerated  our  progress  and  have  brought  us  to  a  result  of 
development  in  every  branch  of  internal  industrial  activity 
marvelous  and  unprecedented  in  the  history  of  the  world. 

Since  the  first  election  of  President  McKinley,  the  people 
of  the  United  States  have  for  the  first  time  accumulated  a 
surplus  of  capital  beyond  the  requirements  of  internal  devel- 
opment. That  surplus  is  increasing  with  extraordinary 
rapidity.  We  have  paid  our  debts  to  Europe  and  have 
become  a  creditor  instead  of  a  debtor  nation;  we  have  faced 
about;  we  have  left  the  ranks  of  the  borrowing  nations  and 
have  entered  the  ranks  of  the  investing  nations.  Our  surplus 
energy  is  beginning  to  look  beyond  our  own  borders,  through- 
out the  world,  to  find  opportunity  for  the  profitable  use  of 
our  surplus  capital,  foreign  markets  for  our  manufactures, 
foreign  mines  to  be  developed,  foreign  bridges  and  railroads 
and  public  works  to  be  built,  foreign  rivers  to  be  turned  into 
electric  power  and  light.    As  in  their  several  ways  England 


SOUTH  AMERICAN  COMMERCE  247 

and  France  and  Germany  have  stood,  so  we  in  our  own  way 
are  beginning  to  stand  and  must  continue  to  stand  towards 
the  industrial  enterprise  of  the  world. 

That  we  are  not  beginning  our  new  role  feebly  is  indicated 
by  $1,518,561,666  of  exports  in  the  year  1905  as  against 
$1,117,513,071  of  imports,  and  by  $1,743,864,500  exports  in 
the  year  1906  as  against  $1,226,563,843  of  imports.  Our  first 
steps  in  the  new  field  indeed  are  somewhat  clumsy  and  un- 
skilled. In  our  own  vast  country,  with  oceans  on  either  side, 
we  have  had  too  little  contact  with  foreign  peoples  readily 
to  understand  their  customs  or  leam  their  languages;  yet  no 
one  can  doubt  that  we  shall  leam  and  shall  understand  and 
shall  do  our  business  abroad,  as  we  have  done  it  at  home> 
with  force  and  eflSciency. 

Coincident  with  this  change  in  the  United  States,  the 
progress  of  political  development  has  been  carrying  the 
neighboring  continent  of  South  America  out  of  the  stage  of 
militarism  into  the  stage  of  industrialism.  Throughout  the 
greater  part  of  that  vast  continent,  revolutions  have  ceased 
to  be  looked  upon  with  favor  or  submitted  to  with  indiffer- 
ence; the  revolutionary  general  and  the  dictator  are  no 
longer  the  objects  of  admiration  and  imitation;  civic  virtues 
command  the  highest  respect;  the  people  point  with  satis- 
faction and  pride  to  the  stability  of  their  governments,  to 
the  safety  of  property  and  the  certainty  of  justice;  nearly 
everywhere  the  people  are  eager  for  foreign  capital  to  develop 
their  natiiral  resources  and  for  foreign  immigration  to  occupy 
their  vacant  lands. 

Immediately  before  us,  at  exactly  the  right  time,  just  as 
we  are  ready  for  it,  great  opportunities  for  peaceful  commer- 
cial and  industrial  expansion  to  the  south  are  presented. 
Other  investing  nations  are  already  in  the  field  —  England, 
France,  Germany,  Italy,  Spain;  but  the  field  is  so  vast,  the 
new  demands  are  so  great,  the  progress  so  rapid,  that  what 


248    LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

other  nations  have  done  up  to  this  time  is  but  a  slight  advance 
in  the  race  for  the  grand  total. 

The  opportunities  are  so  large  that  figures  fail  to  convey 
them.  The  area  of  this  newly  awakened  continent  is 
7,502,848  square  miles  —  more  than  two  and  one  half  times 
as  large  as  the  United  States  without  Alaska,  and  more  than 
double  the  United  States  including  Alaska.  A  large  part  of 
this  area  lies  within  the  temperate  zone,  with  an  equable 
and  invigorating  climate,  free  from  extremes  of  either  heat 
or  cold.  Farther  north  in  the  tropics  are  enormous  expanses 
of  high  table-lands,  stretching  from  the  Atlantic  to  the  foot- 
hills of  the  Andes,  and  lifted  far  above  the  tropical  heats;  the 
fertile  valleys  of  the  western  Cordilleras  are  cooled  by  per- 
petual snows  even  under  the  equator;  vast  forests  grow 
untouched  from  a  soil  of  incredible  richness.  The  plains  of 
Argentina,  the  great  uplands  of  Brazil,  the  mountain  valleys 
of  Chile,  Peru,  Ecuador,  Bolivia,  and  Colombia  are  suited 
to  the  habitation  of  any  race,  however  far  to  the  north  its 
origm  may  have  been;  hundreds  of  millions  of  men  can  find 
healthful  homes  and  abundant  sustenance  in  this  great 
territory. 

The  population  in  1900  was  only  42,461,381,  less  than  six 
to  the  square  mile.  The  density  of  population  was  less  than 
one-eighth  of  that  in  the  state  of  Missouri,  less  than  one- 
sixtieth  of  that  in  the  state  of  Massachusetts,  less  than 
one-seventieth  of  that  in  England,  less  than  one  per  cent  of 
that  in  Belgium. 

With  this  sparse  population  the  production  of  wealth  is 
already  enormous.  The  latest  trade  statistics  show  exports 
from  South  America  to  foreign  countries  of  $745,530,000,  and 
imports  of  $499,858,600.  Of  the  five  hundred  millions  of 
goods  that  South  Amcxica  buys,  we  sell  them  but  $63,246,525, 
or  12.6  per  cent.     Of  the  seven  hundred  and  forty-five 


SOUTH  AMERICAN  COMMERCE  249 

millions  that  South  America  sells,  we  buy  $152,092,000,  or 
20.4  per  cent — nearly  two  and  a  half  times  as  much  as  we  sell. 

Their  production  is  increasing  by  leaps  and  bounds.  In 
eleven  years  the  exports  of  Chile  have  increased  forty-five 
per  cent,  from  $54,030,000  in  1894  to  $78,840,000  in  1905. 
In  eight  years  the  exports  of  Peru  have  increased  one 
hundred  per  cent,  from  $13,899,000  in  1897  to  $28,758,000 
in  1905.  In  ten  years  the  exports  of  Brazil  have  increased 
sixty-six  per  cent,  from  $134,062,000  in  1894  to  $223,101,000 
in  1905.  In  ten  years  the  exports  of  Argentini-  have  increased 
one  hundred  and  sixty-eight  per  cent,  from  $115,868,000  in 
1895  to  $311,544,000  in  1905. 

This  is  only  the  beginning;  the  coffee  and  rubber  of  Brazil, 
the  wheat  and  beef  and  hides  of  Argentina  and  Uruguay,  the 
copper  and  nitrates  of  Chile,  the  copper  and  tin  of  Bolivia, 
the  silver  and  gold  and  cotton  and  sugar  of  Peru,  are  but 
samples  of  what  the  soil  and  mines  of  that  wonderful  conti- 
nent are  capable  of  yielding. 

Ninety-seven  per  cent  of  the  territory  of  South  America  is 
occupied  by  ten  independent  republics  living  under  constitu- 
tions substantially  copied  or  adapted  from  our  own.  Under 
the  new  conditions  of  tranquillity  and  security  which  prevail 
in  most  of  them,  their  eager  invitation  to  immigrants  from 
the  Old  World  will  not  long  pass  unheeded.  The  pressure  of 
population  abroad  will  inevitably  turn  its  streams  of  life  and 
labor  towards  those  fertile  fields  and  valleys.  The  streams 
have  already  begun  to  flow;  more  than  two  hundred  thou- 
sand immigrants  entered  the  Argentine  Republic  last  year; 
they  are  coming  this  year  at  the  rate  of  over  three  hundred 
thousand.  Many  thousands  of  Germans  have  already  settled 
in  southern  Brazil.  They  are  most  welcome  in  Brazil;  they 
are  good  and  useful  citizens  there,  as  they  are  here;  I  hope 
that  many  more  will  come  to  Brazil  and  every  other  South 


250     LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

American  country,  and  add  their  vigorous  industry  and  good 
citizenship  to  the  upbuilding  of  their  adopted  home. 

With  the  increase  of  population  in  such  a  field,  under  free 
institutions,  with  the  fruits  of  labor  and  the  rewards  of  enter- 
prise secure,  the  production  of  wealth  and  the  increase  of 
purchasing  power  will  afford  a  market  for  the  commerce  of 
the  world  worthy  to  rank  even  with  the  markets  of  the 
Orient,  as  the  goal  of  business  enterprise.  The  material 
resources  of  South  America  are  in  some  important  respects 
complementary  to  our  own;  that  continent  is  weakest  where 
North  America  is  strongest  as  a  field  for  manufactures;  it 
has  comparatively  little  coal  and  iron.  In  many  respects  the 
people  of  the  two  continents  are  complementary  to  each 
other;  the  South  American  is  polite,  refined,  cultivated,  fond 
of  literature  and  of  expression  and  of  the  graces  and  charms 
of  life,  while  the  North  American  is  strenuous,  intense,  utili- 
tarian. Where  we  accumulate,  they  spend.  While  we  have 
less  of  the  cheerful  philosophy  which  finds  sources  of  happi- 
ness in  the  existing  conditions  of  life,  they  have  less  of  the 
inventive  faculty  which  strives  continually  to  increase  the  pro- 
ductive power  of  man  and  lower  the  cost  of  manufacture. 
The  chief  merits  of  the  peoples  of  the  two  continents  are 
different;  their  chief  defects  are  different.  Mutual  inter- 
course and  knowledge  cannot  fail  greatly  to  benefit  both. 
Each  can  learn  from  the  other;  each  can  teach  much  to  the 
other,  and  each  can  contribute  greatly  to  the  development 
and  prosperity  of  the  other.  A  large  part  of  their  products 
find  no  domestic  competition  here;  a  large  part  of  our 
products  will  find  no  domestic  competition  there.  The  typi- 
cal conditions  exist  for  that  kind  of  trade  which  is  profitable, 
honorable,  and  beneficial  to  both  parties. 

The  relations  between  the  United  States  and  South 
America  have  been  chiefly  political  rather  than  commercial 
or  personal.    In  the  early  days  of  the  South  American  struggle 


SOUTH  AMERICAN  COMIVIERCE  251 

for  independence,  the  eloquence  of  Henry  Clay  awakened  in 
the  American  people  a  generous  sympathy  for  the  patriots 
of  the  south  as  for  brethren  struggling  in  the  common  cause 
of  liberty.  The  clear-eyed,  judicious  diplomacy  of  Richard 
Rush,  the  American  minister  at  the  Court  of  St.  James, 
effected  a  complete  understanding  with  Great  Britain  for 
concurrent  action  in  opposition  to  the  designs  of  the  Holy 
Alhance,  already  contemplating  the  partition  of  the  southern 
continent  among  the  great  powers  of  continental  Europe. 
The  famous  declaration  of  Monroe  arrayed  the  organized 
and  rapidly  increasing  power  of  the  United  States  as  an 
obstacle  to  European  interference  and  made  it  forever  plain 
that  the  cost  of  European  aggression  would  be  greater 
than  any  advantage  which  could  be  won  even  by  successful 
aggression. 

That  great  declaration  was  not  the  chance  expression  of 
the  opinion  or  the  feeling  of  the  moment;  it  crystallized  the 
sentiment  for  human  liberty  and  human  rights  which  has 
saved  American  idealism  from  the  demoralization  of  narrow 
selfishness,  and  has  given  to  American  democracy  its  true 
world  power  in  the  virile  potency  of  a  great  example.  It 
responded  to  the  instinct  of  self-preservation  in  an  intensely 
practical  i>eople.  It  was  the  result  of  conference  with  Jeffer- 
son and  Madison  and  John  Quincy  Adams  and  John  C. 
Calhoun  and  William  Wirt  —  a  combination  of  p>olitical  wis- 
dom, experience,  and  skill  not  easily  surpassed.  The  partic- 
ular circumstances  which  led  to  the  declaration  no  longer 
exist;  no  Holy  Alliance  now  threatens  to  partition  South 
America;  no  European  colonization  of  the  west  coast 
threatens  to  exclude  us  from  the  Pacific.  But  those  condi- 
tions were  merely  the  occasion  for  the  declaration  of  a  prin- 
ciple of  action.  Other  occasions  for  the  application  of  the 
principle  have  arisen  since;  it  needs  no  prophetic  vision  to 
see  that  other  occasions  for  its  application  may  arise  here- 


252     LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

after.  The  principle  declared  by  Monroe  is  as  wise  an 
expression  of  sound  political  judgment  today,  as  truthful  a 
representation  of  the  sentiments  and  instincts  of  the  Ameri- 
can people  today,  as  living  in  its  force  as  an  effective  rule  of 
conduct  whenever  occasion  shall  arise,  as  it  was  on  December 
2,  1823. 

These  great  political  services  to  South  American  inde- 
pendence, however,  did  not  and  could  not  in  the  nature  of 
things  create  any  relation  between  the  people  of  South 
America  and  the  people  of  the  United  States  except  a  rela- 
tion of  political  sympathy. 

Twenty-five  years  ago,  Mr.  Blaine,  sanguine,  resourceful, 
and  gifted  with  that  imagination  which  enlarges  the  his- 
torian's understanding  of  the  past  into  the  statesman's  com- 
prehension of  the  future,  undertook  to  inaugurate  a  new  era 
of  American  relations  which  should  supplement  political 
sympathy  by  personal  acquaintance,  by  the  intercourse  of 
expanding  trade,  and  by  mutual  helpfulness.  As  secretary 
of  state  under  President  Arthur,  he  invited  the  American 
nations  to  a  conference  to  be  held  on  November  24,  1882,  for 
the  purpose  of  considering  and  discussing  the  subject  of  pre- 
venting war  between  the  nations  of  America.  That  invita- 
tion, abandoned  by  Mr.  FreUnghuysen,  was  renewed  under 
Mr.  Cleveland,  and  on  October  2,  1889,  Mr.  Blaine,  again 
secretary  of  state  under  President  Harrison,  had  the  singular 
good  fortune  to  execute  his  former  design  and  to  open  the 
sessions  of  the  first  American  conference  at  Washington. 
In  an  address  of  wisdom  and  lofty  spirit,  which  should  ever 
give  honor  to  his  memory,  he  described  the  assembly  as  — 

.  .  .  an  honorable,  peaceful  conference  of  seventeen  independent  Ameri- 
can powers,  in  which  all  shall  meet  together  on  terms  of  absolute  equality; 
a  conference  in  which  there  can  be  no  attempt  to  coerce  a  single  delegate 
against  his  own  conception  of  the  interests  of  his  nation;  a  conference 
which  will  permit  no  secret  understanding  on  any  subject,  but  will  frankly 
pubHsh  to  the  world  all  its  conclusions;  a  conference  which  will  tolerate  no 


SOUTH  AMERICAN  COMMERCE  253 

spirit  of  conquest,  but  will  aim  to  cultivate  an  American  sympathy  as 
broad  as  both  continents;  a  conference  which  will  form  no  selfish  alliance 
against  the  older  nations  from  which  we  are  proud  to  claim  inheritance  — 
a  conference,  in  fine,  which  will  seek  nothing,  propose  nothing,  endure 
nothing  that  is  not,  in  the  general  sense  of  all  the  delegates,  timely,  wise, 
and  peaceful. 

The  policy  which  Mr.  Blaine  inaugurated  has  been  con- 
tinued; the  Congress  of  the  United  States  has  approved  it; 
subsequent  presidents  have  followed  it.  The  first  confer- 
ence at  Washington  has  been  succeeded  by  a  second  confer- 
ence in  Mexico,  and  now  by  a  third  conference  in  Rio  de 
Janeiro;  and  it  is  to  be  followed  in  years  to  come  by  further 
successive  assemblies  in  which  the  representatives  of  all 
American  states  shall  acquire  better  knowledge  and  more 
perfect  understanding,  and  be  drawn  together  by  the  recog- 
nition of  common  interests  and  the  kindly  consideration  and 
discussion  of  measures  for  mutual  benefit. 

Nevertheless,  Mr.  Blaine  was  in  advance  of  his  time.  In 
1881  and  1889  the  United  States  had  not  reached  a  point 
where  it  could  turn  its  energies  away  from  its  own  internal 
development  and  direct  them  outward  towards  the  develop- 
ment of  foreign  enterprises  and  foreign  trade,  nor  had  the 
South  American  countries  reached  the  stage  of  stability  in 
government  and  seciuity  for  property  necessary  to  their 
industrial  development. 

Now,  however,  the  time  has  come;  both  North  and  South 
America  have  grown  up  to  Blaine's  policy.  The  production, 
the  trade,  the  capital,  the  enterprise  of  the  United  States 
have  before  them  the  opportunity  to  follow,  and  they  are 
free  to  follow,  the  pathway  marked  out  by  the  far-sighted 
statesmanship  of  Blaine  for  the  growth  of  America,  North 
and  South,  in  the  peaceful  prosperity  of  a  mighty  commerce. 

To  utilize  this  opportunity  certain  practical  things  must 
be  done.  For  the  most  part  these  things  must  be  done  by  a 
multitude  of  individual  efforts;    they  cannot  be  done  by 


254     LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

government.  Government  may  help  to  furnish  facilities  for 
the  doing  of  them,  but  the  facilities  will  be  useless  unless 
used  by  individuals.  This  cannot  be  done  by  resolutions  of 
this  or  any  other  commercial  body;  resolutions  are  useless 
unless  they  stir  individual  business  men  to  action  in  their 
own  business  affairs.  The  things  needed  have  been  fully  and 
specifically  set  forth  in  many  reports  of  efficient  consuls  and 
of  highly  competent  agents  of  the  Department  of  Commerce 
and  Labor,  and  they  have  been  described  in  countless  news- 
papers and  magazine  articles;  but  all  these  things  are  worth- 
less unless  they  are  followed  by  individual  action. 

I  will  indicate  some  of  the  matters  to  which  every  pro- 
ducer and  merchant  who  desires  South  American  trade 
should  pay  attention. 

1.  He  should  learn  what  the  South  Americans  want  and 
conform  his  product  to  their  wants.  If  they  think  they  need 
heavy  castings,  he  should  give  them  heavy  castings  and  not 
expect  them  to  buy  light  ones  because  he  thinks  they  are 
better.  If  they  want  coarse  cottons,  he  should  give  them 
coarse  cottons  and  not  expect  them  to  buy  fine  cottons.  It 
may  not  pay  today,  but  it  will  pay  tomorrow.  The  tendency 
to  standardize  articles  of  manufacture  may  reduce  the  cost 
and  promote  convenience,  but  if  the  consumers  on  the  River 
Plata  demand  a  different  standard  from  the  consumers  on 
the  INIississippi,  you  must  have  two  standards  or  lose  one 
market. 

2.  Both  for  the  purpose  of  learning  what  the  South  Ameri- 
can people  want  and  of  securing  their  attention  to  your  goods, 
you  must  have  agents  who  speak  the  Spanish  or  Portuguese 
language.  For  this  there  are  two  reasons :  one  is  that  people 
can  seldom  really  get  at  each  other's  minds  through  an  inter- 
preter, and  the  other  is  that  nine  times  out  of  ten  it  is  only 
through  knowing  the  Spanish  or  Portuguese  language  that  a 
North  American  comes  to  appreciate  the  admirable  and 


SOUTH  AMERICAN  COMMERCE  255 

attractive  personal  qualities  of  the  South  American,  and  is 
thus  able  to  establish  that  kindly  and  agreeable  personal 
relation  which  is  so  potent  in  leading  to  business  relations. 

3.  The  American  producer  should  arrange  to  conform  his 
credit  system  to  that  prevailing  in  the  country  where  he 
wishes  to  sell  goods.  There  is  no  more  money  lost  upon  com- 
mercial credits  in  South  America  than  there  is  in  North 
America;  but  business  men  there  have  their  own  ways  of 
doing  business;  they  have  to  adapt  the  credits  they  receive 
to  the  credits  they  give.  It  is  often  inconvenient  and  dis- 
agreeable, and  it  is  sometimes  impossible,  for  them  to  con- 
form to  our  ways,  and  the  requirement  that  they  should  do 
so  is  a  serious  obstacle  to  trade. 

To  understand  credits  it  is,  of  course,  necessary  to  know 
something  about  the  character,  trustworthiness,  and  com- 
mercial standing  of  the  purchaser,  and  the  American  pro- 
ducer or  merchant  who  would  sell  goods  in  South  America 
must  have  some  means  of  knowledge  upon  this  subject. 
This  leads  naturally  to  the  next  observation  I  have  to 
make. 

4.  The  establishment  of  banks  should  be  brought  about. 
The  Americans  already  engaged  in  South  American  trade 
could  well  afford  to  subscribe  the  capital  and  establish  an 
American  bank  in  each  of  the  principal  cities  of  South 
America.  This  is  a  fact,  first,  because  nothing  but  very  bad 
management  could  prevent  such  a  bank  from  making  money; 
capital  is  much  needed  in  those  cities,  and  six,  eight,  and 
ten  per  cent  can  be  obtained  for  money  upon  just  as  safe 
security  as  can  be  had  in  Kansas  City,  St.  Louis,  or  New  York. 
It  is  a  fact  also  because  the  American  bank  would  furnish 
a  source  of  information  as  to  the  standing  of  the  South 
American  purchasers  to  whom  credit  may  be  extended,  and 
because  American  banks  would  relieve  American  business  in 
South  America  from  the  disadvantage  which  now  exists  of 


256     LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

making  all  its  financial  transactions  through  Europe  instead 
of  directly  with  the  United  States.  It  is  unfortunately  true 
that  among  hundreds  of  thousands  of  possible  customers  the 
United  States  now  stands  in  a  position  of  assumed  financial 
and  business  inferiority  to  the  countries  through  whose  bank- 
ing houses  all  its  business  must  be  done. 

5.  The  American  merchant  should  himself  acquire,  if  he 
has  not  already  done  so,  and  should  impress  upon  all  his 
agents  that  respect  for  the  South  American  to  which  he  is 
justly  entitled  and  which  is  the  essential  requisite  to  respect 
from  the  South  American.  We  are  different  in  many  ways 
as  to  character  and  methods.  In  dealing  with  all  foreign 
people,  it  is  important  to  avoid  the  narrow  and  uninstructed 
prejudice  which  assumes  that  difference  from  ourselves 
denotes  inferiority.  There  is  nothing  that  we  resent  so  quickly 
as  an  assumption  of  superiority  or  evidence  of  condescension 
in  foreigners;  there  is  nothing  that  the  South  Americans 
resent  so  quickly.  The  South  Americans  are  our  superiors 
in  some  respects;  we  are  their  superiors  in  other  respects. 
We  should  show  to  them  what  is  best  in  us  and  see  what  is 
best  in  them.  Every  agent  of  an  American  producer  or 
merchant  should  be  instructed  that  courtesy,  politeness, 
kindly  consideration,  are  essential  requisites  for  success  in 
the  South  American  trade. 

6.  The  investment  of  American  capital  in  South  America 
under  the  direction  of  American  experts  should  be  promoted, 
not  merely  upon  simple  investment  grounds,  but  as  a  means 
of  creating  and  enlarging  trade.  For  simple  investment  pur- 
poses the  opportunities  are  innumerable.  Good  business 
judgment  and  good  business  management  will  be  necessary 
there,  of  course,  as  they  are  necessary  here;  but,  given  these, 
I  beheve  that  there  is  a  vast  number  of  enterprises  awaiting 
capital  in  the  more  advanced  countries  of  South  America, 
capable  of  yielding  great  profits,  and  in  which  the  property 


SOUTH  AMERICAN  COMMERCE  257 

and  the  profits  will  be  as  safe  as  in  the  United  States  or 
Canada.  A  good  many  such  enterprises  are  already  begun. 
I  have  found  a  graduate  of  the  Massachusetts  Institute  of 
Technology,  a  graduate  of  the  Columbia  School  of  Mines, 
and  a  graduate  of  Colonel  Roosevelt's  Rough  Riders  smelting 
copper  close  imder  the  snow  line  of  the  Andes;  I  have  ridden 
in  an  American  car  upon  an  American  electric  road,  built  by 
a  New  York  engineer,  in  the  heart  of  the  coffee  region  of 
Brazil;  and  I  have  seen  the  waters  of  that  river  along  which 
Pizarro  established  his  line  of  commimication  in  the  con- 
quest of  Peru,  harnessed  to  American  machinery  to  make 
light  and  power  for  the  city  of  Lima.  Every  such  point  is 
the  nucleus  of  American  trade  —  the  source  of  orders  for 
American  goods. 

7.  It  is  absolutely  essential  that  the  means  of  communica- 
tion between  the  two  countries  should  be  improved  and 
Increased. 

This  underiies  all  other  considerations  and  it  applies  to 
the  mail,  the  passenger,  and  the  freight  services.  Between 
oil  the  principal  South  American  ports  and  England,  Ger- 
many, France,  Spain,  Italy,  lines  of  swift  and  commodious 
steamers  ply  regularly.  There  are  five  subsidized  first-class 
mail  and  passenger  lines  between  Buenos  Ayres  and  Eiu'ope; 
there  is  no  such  line  between  Buenos  Ayres  and  the  United 
States.  Within  the  past  two  years  the  German,  the  English, 
and  the  Italian  lines  have  been  replacing  their  old  steamers 
with  new  and  swifter  vessels  of  modem  construction,  accom- 
modation, and  capacity. 

In  the  year  ending  June  30,  1905,  there  entered  the  port 
of  Rio  de  Janeiro  steamers  and  sailing  vessels  flying  the  flag 
of  Austria-Hungary,  120;  of  Norway,  142;  of  Italy,  165;  of 
Argentina,  264;  of  France,  349;  of  Germany,  657;  of  Great 
Britain,  1785;  of  the  United  States,  —  no  steamers  and  seven 
sailing  vessels,  two  of  which  were  in  distress! 


258     LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

An  English  firm  runs  a  small  steamer  monthly  between 
New  York  and  Rio  de  Janeiro;  the  Panama  Railroad  Com- 
pany runs  steamers  between  New  York  and  the  Isthmus  of 
Panama;  the  Brazilians  are  starting  for  themselves  a  line 
between  Rio  and  New  York;  there  are  two  or  three  foreign 
concerns  running  slow  cargo  boats,  and  there  are  some  for- 
eign tramp  steamers.  That  is  the  sum  total  of  American 
communication  with  South  America  beyond  the  Caribbean 
Sea.  Not  one  American  steamship  runs  to  any  South  Amer- 
ican port  beyond  the  Caribbean.  During  the  past  summer, 
I  entered  the  ports  of  Para,  Pernambuco,  Bahia,  Rio  de 
Janeiro,  Santos,  Montevideo,  Buenos  Ayres,  Bahia  Blanca, 
Punta  Arenas,  Lota,  Valparaiso,  Coquimbo,  Tocopilla, 
Callao,  and  Cartagena  —  all  of  the  great  ports  and  a  large 
proportion  of  the  secondary  ports  of  the  southern  conti- 
nent. I  saw  only  one  ship,  besides  the  cruiser  that  carried 
me,  flying  the  American  flag. 

The  mails  between  South  America  and  Europe  are  swift, 
regular,  and  certain;  between  South  America  and  the  United 
States  they  are  slow,  irregular,  and  uncertain.  Six  weeks  is 
not  an  uncommon  time  for  a  letter  to  take  between  Buenos 
Ayres  or  Valparaiso  and  New  York.  The  merchant  who 
wishes  to  order  American  goods  cannot  know  when  his  order 
will  be  received  nor  when  it  will  be  filled.  The  freight  charges 
between  the  South  American  cities  and  American  cities  are 
generally  and  substantially  higher  than  between  the  same 
cities  and  Europe;  at  many  points  the  deliveries  of  freight 
are  uncertain  and  its  condition  upon  arrival  doubtful.  The 
passenger  accommodations  are  such  as  to  make  a  journey 
to  the  United  States  a  trial  to  be  endured  and  a  journey  to 
Eiu*ope  a  pleasure  to  be  enjoyed.  The  best  way  to  travel 
between  the  United  States  and  both  the  southwest  coast  and 
the  east  coast  of  South  America  is  to  go  by  way  of  Europe, 
crossing  the  Atlantic  twice.   It  is  impossible  that  trade  should 


SOUTH  AMERICAN  COMMERCE  259 

prosper  or  intercourse  increase  or  mutual  knowledge  grow  to 
any  great  degree  under  such  circumstances.  The  communi- 
cation is  worse  now  than  it  was  twenty-five  years  ago.  So 
long  as  it  is  left  in  the  hands  of  our  foreign  competitors  in 
business,  we  cannot  reasonably  look  for  any  improvement. 
It  is  only  reasonable  to  expect  that  European  steamship  lines 
shall  be  so  managed  as  to  promote  European  trade  in  South 
America,  rather  than  to  promote  the  trade  of  the  United 
States  in  South  America. 

This  woeful  deficiency  in  the  means  to  carry  on  and 
enlarge  our  South  American  trade  is  but  a  part  of  the  general 
decline  and  feebleness  of  the  American  merchant  marine, 
which  has  reduced  us  from  carrying  over  ninety  per  cent  of 
our  export  trade  in  our  own  ships  to  the  carriage  of  nine  per 
cent  of  that  trade  in  our  own  ships  and  dependence  upon 
foreign  ship-owTiers  for  the  carriage  of  ninety-one  per  cent. 
The  true  remedy  and  the  only  remedy  is  the  establishment  of 
American  lines  of  steamships  between  the  United  States  and 
the  great  ports  of  South  America,  adequate  to  render  fully  as 
good  service  as  is  now  afforded  by  the  European  lines  between 
those  ports  and  Europe.  The  substantial  underlying  fact 
was  well  stated  in  the  resolution  of  this  Trans-Mississippi 
Congress  three  years  ago: 

That  every  ship  is  a  missionary  of  trade;  that  steamship  lines  work  for 
their  own  countries  just  as  railroad  lines  work  for  their  terminal  points, 
and  that  it  is  as  absurd  for  the  United  States  to  depend  upon  foreign  ships 
to  distribute  its  products  as  it  would  be  for  a  department  store  to  depend 
upon  the  wagons  of  a  competing  house  to  dehver  its  goods. 

How  can  this  defect  be  remedied  ?  The  answer  to  this 
question  must  be  found  by  ascertaining  the  cause  of  the 
decline  of  our  merchant  marine.  WTiy  is  it  that  Americans 
have  substantially  retired  from  the  foreign  transport  service  ? 
We  are  a  nation  of  maritime  traditions  and  facility;  we  are 
a  nation  of  constructive  capacity,  competent  to  build  ships; 


260     LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

we  are  eminent,  if  not  preeminent,  in  the  construction  of 
machinery;  we  have  abundant  capital  seeking  investment; 
we  have  courage  and  enterprise  shrinking  from  no  competi- 
tion in  any  field  which  we  choose  to  enter.  Why,  then,  have 
we  retired  from  this  field  in  which  we  were  once  conspicuously 
successful  ? 

I  think  the  answer  is  twofold. 

1.  The  higher  wages  and  the  greater  cost  of  maintenance 
of  American  officers  and  crews  make  it  impossible  to  compete 
on  equal  terms  with  foreign  ships.  The  scale  of  living  and 
the  scale  of  pay  of  American  sailors  are  fixed  by  the  standard 
of  wages  and  of  living  in  the  United  States,  and  those  are 
maintained  at  a  high  level  by  the  protective  tariff.  The 
moment  the  American  passes  beyond  the  limits  of  his  coun- 
try and  engages  in  ocean  transportation,  he  comes  into  com- 
petition with  the  lower  foreign  scale  of  wages  and  of  living. 
Mr.  Joseph  L.  Bristow,  in  his  report  upon  trade  conditions 
aflFecting  the  Panama  Railroad,  dated  June  14,  1905,  gives 
in  detail  the  cost  of  operating  an  American  steamship  with 
a  tonnage  of  approximately  thirty-five  hundred  tons  as  com- 
pared with  the  cost  of  operating  a  specified  German  steam- 
ship of  the  same  tonnage,  and  the  differences  aggregate 
$15,315  per  annum  greater  cost  for  the  American  steamship 
than  for  the  German;  that  is  $4.37  per  ton.  He  gives  also  in 
detail  the  cost  of  maintaining  another  American  steamship 
with  a  tonnage  of  approximately  twenty-five  hundred  tons  as 
compared  with  the  cost  of  operating  a  specified  British  steam- 
ship of  the  same  tonnage,  and  the  differences  aggregate 
$18,289.68  per  annum  greater  cost  for  the  American  steam- 
ship than  for  the  British ;  that  is  $7.31  per  ton.  It  is  manifest 
that  if  the  German  steamship  were  content  with  a  profit  of 
less  than  $15,000  per  annum,  and  the  British  with  a  profit 
of  less  than  $18,000  per  annum,  the  American  ships  would 
have  to  go  out  of  business. 


SOUTH  AMERICAN  COMMERCE  261 

2.  The  principal  maritime  nations  of  the  world,  anxious  to 
develop  their  trade,  to  promote  their  shipbuilding  industry, 
to  have  at  hand  transports  and  auxiliary  cruisers  in  case  of 
war,  are  fostering  their  steamship  lines  by  the  payment  of 
subsidies.  England  is  paying  to  her  steamship  lines  between 
six  and  seven  million  dollars  a  year;  it  is  estimated  that  since 
1840  she  has  paid  to  them  between  two  hundred  and  fifty 
and  three  hundred  millions.  The  enormous  development  of 
her  commerce,  her  preponderant  share  of  the  carrying  trade 
of  the  world,  and  her  shipyards  crowded  with  construction 
orders  from  every  part  of  the  earth  indicate  the  success  of  her 
policy.  France  is  paying  about  eight  million  dollars  a  year; 
Italy  and  Japan,  between  three  and  four  million  each;  Ger- 
many, upon  the  initiative  of  Bismarck,  is  building  up  her 
trade  with  wonderful  rapidity  by  heavy  subventions  to  her 
steamship  lines  and  by  giving  special  differential  rates  of 
carriage  over  her  railroads  for  merchandise  shipped  by  those 
lines.  Spain,  Norway,  Austria-Hungary,  Canada,  all  sub- 
sidize their  own  lines.  It  is  estimated  that  about  $28,000,000 
a  year  are  paid  by  our  commercial  competitors  to  their  steam- 
ship lines. 

Against  these  advantages  of  his  competitor  the  American 
shipowner  has  to  contend;  and  it  is  manifest  that  the  sub- 
sidized ship  can  afford  to  carry  freight  at  cost  for  a  period 
long  enough  to  drive  him  out  of  business. 

We  are  living  in  a  world  not  of  natural  competition,  but  of 
subsidized  competition.  State  aid  to  steamship  lines  is  as 
much  a  part  of  the  commercial  system  of  our  day  as  state 
employment  of  consuls  to  promote  business. 

It  will  be  observed  that  both  of  these  disadvantages  imder 
which  the  American  shipowner  labors  are  artificial;  they  are 
created  by  governmental  action  —  one  by  our  own  Govern- 
ment in  raising  the  standard  of  wages  and  living,  by  the 
protective  tariff;  the  other  by  foreign  governments  in  paying 


262     LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

subsidies  to  their  ships  for  the  promotion  of  their  own  trade. 
For  the  American  shipowner  it  is  not  a  contest  of  intel- 
hgence,  skill,  industry,  and  thrift  against  similar  qualities 
in  his  competitor;  it  is  a  contest  against  his  competitors 
and  his  competitors'  governments  and  his  own  govern- 
ment also. 

Plainly,  these  disadvantages  created  by  governmental 
action  can  be  neutralized  only  by  governmental  action,  and 
should  be  neutralized  by  such  action. 

What  action  ought  our  Government  to  take  for  the  accom- 
plishment of  this  just  purpose  ?  Three  kinds  of  action  have 
been  advocated. 

1.  A  law  providing  for  free  ships  —  that  is,  permitting 
Americans  to  buy  ships  in  other  countries  and  bring  them 
under  the  American  flag.  Plainly,  this  would  not  at  all  meet 
the  difficulties  which  I  have  described.  The  only  thing  it 
would  accomplish  would  be  to  overcome  the  excess  in  cost 
of  building  a  ship  in  an  American  shipyard  over  the  cost  of 
building  it  in  a  foreign  shipyard;  but  since  all  the  materials 
which  enter  into  an  American  ship  are  entirely  relieved  of 
duty,  the  difference  in  cost  of  construction  is  so  slight  as  to 
be  practically  a  negligible  quantity,  and  to  afford  no  sub- 
stantial obstacle  to  the  revival  of  American  shipping.  The 
expedient  of  free  ships,  therefore,  would  be  merely  to  sacri- 
fice our  American  shipbuilding  industry,  which  ought  to  be 
revived  and  enlarged  with  American  shipping,  and  to  sacrifice 
it  without  receiving  any  substantial  benefit.  It  is  to  be 
observed  that  Germany,  France,  and  Italy  all  have  attempted 
to  build  up  their  own  shipping  by  adopting  the  policy  of  free 
ships,  have  failed  in  the  experiment,  have  abandoned  it,  and 
have  adopted  in  its  place  the  policy  of  subsidy. 

2.  It  has  been  proposed  to  establish  a  discriminating  tariff 
duty  in  favor  of  goods  imported  in  American  ships  —  that  is 
to  say,  to  impose  higher  duties  upon  goods  imported  in  for- 


SOUTH  AMERICAN  COIVIMERCE  263 

eign  ships  than  are  imposed  on  goods  imported  in  American 
ships.  We  tried  that  once  many  years  ago  and  abandoned 
it.  In  its  place  we  have  entered  into  treaties  of  commerce 
and  navigation  with  the  principal  countries  of  the  world, 
expressly  agreeing  that  no  such  discrimination  shall  be  made 
between  their  vessels  and  ours.  To  sweep  away  all  those 
treaties  and  enter  upon  a  war  of  commercial  retaHation  and 
reprisal  for  the  sake  of  accomplishing  indirectly  what  can  be 
done  directly  should  not  be  seriously  considered. 

S.  There  remains  the  third  and  ob\dous  method:  to 
neutralize  the  artificial  disadvantages  imposed  upon  Ameri- 
can shipping  through  the  action  of  our  own  government  and 
foreign  governments  by  an  equivalent  advantage  in  the  form 
of  a  subsidy  or  subvention.  In  my  opinion  this  is  what 
should  be  done;  it  is  the  sensible  and  fair  thing  to  do.  It  is 
what  must  be  done  if  we  would  have  a  revival  of  our  shipping 
and  the  desired  development  of  our  foreign  trade.  We  can- 
not repeal  the  protective  tariff;  no  political  party  dreams  of 
repealing  it;  we  do  not  wish  to  lower  the  standard  of  Ameri- 
can living  or  American  wages.  We  should  give  back  to  the 
shipowner  what  we  take  away  from  him  for  the  purpose  of 
maintaining  that  standard;  and  imless  we  do  give  it  back 
we  shall  continue  to  go  without  ships.  How  can  the  expendi- 
ture of  public  money  for  the  improvement  of  rivers  and 
harbors  to  promote  trade  be  justified  upon  any  grounds  which 
do  not  also  sustain  this  proposal  ?  Would  any  one  reverse 
the  policy  that  granted  aid  to  the  Pacific  railroads,  the  pion- 
eers of  our  enormous  internal  commerce,  the  agencies  that 
built  up  the  great  traffic  which  has  enabled  half  a  dozen 
other  roads  to  be  built  in  later  years  without  assistance  ? 
Such  subventions  would  not  be  gifts.  They  would  be  at  once 
compensation  for  injuries  inflicted  upon  American  shipping 
by  American  laws  and  the  consideration  for  benefits  received 
by  the  whole  American  people  —  not  the  shippers  or  the 


264     LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

shipbuilders  or  the  sailors  alone,  but  by  every  manufacturer, 
every  miner,  every  farmer,  every  merchant  whose  prosperity 
depends  upon  a  market  for  his  products. 

The  provision  for  such  just  compensation  should  be  care- 
fully shaped  and  directed  so  that  it  will  go  to  individual 
advantage  only  so  far  as  the  individual  is  enabled  by  it  to 
earn  a  reasonable  profit  by  building  up  the  business  of  the 
country. 

A  bill  is  now  pending  in  Congress  which  contains  such 
provisions;  it  has  passed  the  Senate  and  is  now  before  the 
House  Committee  on  Merchant  Marine  and  Fisheries;  it  is 
known  as  Senate  bill  No.  529,  Fifty-ninth  Congress,  First 
Session.  It  provides  specifically  that  the  Postmaster-General 
may  pay  to  American  steamships,  of  specified  rates  of  speed, 
carrying  mails  upon  a  regular  service,  compensation  not  to 
exceed  the  following  amounts:  For  a  line  from  an  Atlantic 
port  to  Brazil,  monthly,  $150,000  a  year;  for  a  line  from  an 
Atlantic  port  to  Uruguay  and  Argentina,  monthly,  $187,500 
a  year;  for  a  line  from  a  Gulf  port  to  Brazil,  monthly, 
$137,500  a  year;  for  a  line  from  each  of  two  Gulf  ports  and 
from  New  Orleans  to  Central  America  and  the  Isthmus  of 
Panama,  weekly,  $75,000  a  year;  for  a  line  from  a  Gulf  port 
to  Mexico,  weekly,  $50,000  a  year;  for  a  line  from  a  Pacific 
coast  port  to  Mexico,  Central  America,  and  the  Isthmus  of 
Panama,  fortnightly,  $120,000  a  year.  For  these  six  regular 
lines  a  total  of  $720,000.  The  payments  provided  are  no 
more  than  enough  to  give  the  American  ships  a  fair  living 
chance  in  the  competition. 

There  are  other  wise  and  reasonable  provisions  in  the  bill 
relating  to  trade  with  the  Orient,  to  tramp  steamers,  and  to 
a  naval  reserve,  but  I  am  now  concerned  with  the  provisions 
for  trade  to  the  south.  The  hope  of  such  a  trade  lies  chiefly 
in  the  passage  of  that  bill. 


SOUTH  AMERICAN  COMMERCE  265 

Postmaster-General  Cortelyou,  in  his  report  for  1905,  said: 

Congress  has  authorized  the  Postmaster-General,  by  the  act  of  1891, 
to  contract  with  the  owners  of  American  steamships  for  ocean  mail  service 
and  has  realized  the  impracticability  of  commanding  suitable  steamships 
in  the  interest  of  the  postal  service  alone  by  requiring  that  such  steamers 
shall  be  of  a  size,  class,  and  equipment  which  will  promote  commerce  and 
become  available  as  auxiliary  cruisers  of  the  navy  in  case  of  need.  The 
compensation  allowed  to  such  steamers  is  found  to  be  wholly  inadequate 
to  secure  the  proposals  contemplated;  hence,  advertisements  from  time  to 
time  have  failed  to  develop  any  bids  for  much-needed  service.  This  is 
especially  true  in  r^ard  to  several  of  the  countries  of  South  America,  with 
which  we  have  cordial  relations  and  which,  for  manifest  reasons,  should 
have  direct  mail  connections  with  us.  I  refer  to  Brazil  and  countries  south 
of  it.  Complaints  of  serious  delay  to  mails  for  these  countries  have  become 
frequent  and  emphatic,  leading  to  the  suggestion  on  the  part  of  certain 
officials  of  the  government  that  for  the  present  and  until  more  satisfactory 
direct  communication  can  be  established,  important  mails  should  be  dis- 
patched to  South  America  by  way  of  European  ports  and  on  European 
steamers,  which  would  not  only  involve  the  United  States  in  the  payment 
of  double  transit  rates  to  a  foreign  country  for  the  dispatch  of  its  mails  to 
countries  of  our  own  hemisphere,  but  might  seriously  embarrass  the 
government  in  the  exchange  of  important  official  and  diplomatic  corre- 
spondence. 

The  fact  that  the  government  claims  exclusive  control  of  the  trans- 
mission of  letter  mafl  throughout  its  own  territory  would  seem  to  imply 
that  it  should  secure  and  maintain  the  exclusive  jurisdiction  when  neces- 
sary, of  its  mails  on  the  high  seas.  The  unprecedented  expansion  of  trade 
and  foreign  conmierce  justifies  prompt  consideration  of  an  adequate  foreign 
mail  service. 

It  is  difficult  to  believe,  but  it  is  true,  that  out  of  this  faulty 
ocean  mail  service  the  government  of  the  United  States  is 
making  a  large  profit.  The  actual  cost  to  the  govern- 
ment last  year  of  the  ocean  mail  service  to  foreign  coun- 
tries other  than  Canada  and  Mexico  was  $2,965,624.21, 
while  the  proceeds  realized  by  the  government  from  postage 
between  the  United  States  and  foreign  countries  other  than 
Canada  and  Mexico  was  $6,008,807.53,  leaving  the  profit  to 
the  United  States  of  $3,043,183.32;  that  is  to  say,  under 


266     LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

existing  law  the  government  of  the  United  States,  having 
assumed  the  monopoly  of  carrying  the  mails  for  the  people 
of  the  country,  is  making  a  profit  of  $3,000,000  per  annum 
by  rendering  cheap  and  inefficient  service.  Every  dollar 
of  that  three  millions  is  made  at  the  expense  of  the  com- 
merce of  the  United  States.  What  can  be  plainer  than  that 
the  government  ought  to  expend  at  least  the  profits  that 
it  gets  from  the  ocean  mail  service  in  making  the  ocean 
mail  service  efficient.  One  quarter  of  those  profits  would 
establish  all  these  lines  which  I  have  described  between  the 
United  States  and  South  and  Central  America,  and  give  us, 
besides  a  good  mail  service,  enlarged  markets  for  the  pro- 
ducers and  merchants  of  the  United  States  who  pay  the 
postage  from  which  the  profits  come.^ 

In  his  last  message  to  Congress,  President  Roosevelt  said: 

To  the  spread  of  our  trade  in  peace  and  the  defense  of  our  flag  in  war 
a  great  and  prosperous  merchant  marine  is  indispensable.  We  should  have 
ships  of  our  own  and  seamen  of  our  own  to  convey  our  goods  to  neutral 
markets,  and  in  case  of  need  to  reenforce  our  battle  line.  It  cannot  but  be 
a  source  of  regret  and  uneasiness  to  us  that  the  lines  of  communication  with 
our  sister  republics  of  South  America  should  be  chiefly  under  foreign 
control.  It  is  not  a  good  thing  that  American  merchants  and  manufac- 
turers should  have  to  send  their  goods  and  letters  to  South  America  via 
Europe  if  they  wish  security  and  dispatch.  Even  on  the  Pacific,  where 
our  ships  have  held  their  own  better  than  on  the  Atlantic,  our  merchant 
flag  is  now  threatened  through  the  liberal  aid  bestowed  by  other  govern- 
ments on  their  own  steam  lines.  I  ask  your  earnest  consideration  of  the 
report  with  which  the  Merchant  Marine  Commission  has  followed  its  long 
and  careful  inquiry. 

The  bill  now  pending  in  the  House  is  a  bill  framed  upon 
the  report  of  that  Merchant  Marine  Commission.  The  ques- 
tion whether  it  shall  become  a  law  depends  upon  your  Rep- 
resentatives in  the  House.    You  have  the  judgment  of  the 

*  There  would  be  some  modification  of  these  figures  if  the  cost  of  getting  the 
mails  to  and  from  the  exchange  oflSces  were  charged  against  the  account;  but  this 
is  not  separable  from  the  general  domestic  cost  and  would  not  materially  change 
the  result. 


SOUTH  AMERICAN  COMMERCE  267 

Postmaster-General,  you  have  the  judgment  of  the  Senate, 
you  have  the  judgment  of  the  President;  if  you  agree  with 
these  judgments  and  wish  the  bill  which  embodies  them 
to  become  a  law,  say  so  to  your  Representatives.  Say  it  to 
them  individually  and  directly,  for  it  is  your  right  to  advise 
them  and  it  will  be  their  pleasure  to  hear  from  you  what 
legislation  the  interests  of  their  constituents  demand. 

The  great  body  of  Congressmen  are  always  sincerely  desir- 
ous to  meet  the  just  wishes  of  their  constituents  and  to  do 
what  is  for  the  pubhc  interest;  but  in  this  great  country  they 
are  continually  assailed  by  innumerable  expressions  of  private 
opinion  and  by  innumerable  demands  for  the  expenditure  of 
public  money;  they  come  to  discriminate  very  clearly  between 
private  opinion  and  public  opinion,  and  between  real  public 
opinion  and  the  manufactured  appearance  of  public  opinion; 
they  know  that  when  there  is  a  real  demand  for  any  kind 
of  legislation  it  will  make  itself  known  to  them  through 
a  multitude  of  individual  voices.  Resolutions  of  commercial 
bodies  frequently  indicate  nothing  except  that  the  proposer 
of  the  resolution  has  a  positive  opinion  and  that  no  one  else 
has  interest  enough  in  the  subject  to  oppose  it.  Such  reso- 
lutions by  themselves,  therefore,  have  comparatively  little 
effect;  they  are  effective  only  when  the  support  of  individ- 
ual expressions  shows  that  they  really  represent  a  genuine 
and  general  opinion. 

It  is  for  you  and  the  business  men  all  over  the  coimtry 
whom  you  represent  to  show  to  the  Representatives  in  Con- 
gress that  the  producing  and  commercial  interests  of  the 
country  really  desire  a  practical  measure  to  enlarge  the 
markets  and  increase  the  foreign  trade  of  the  United  States, 
by  enabling  American  shipping  to  overcome  the  disadvan- 
tages imposed  upon  it  by  foreign  governments  for  the  benefit 
of  their  trade,  and  by  our  government  for  the  benefit  of  our 
home  industry. 


SOUTH  AMERICAN   COMMERCE 

ADDRESS  AT  THE  NATIONAL  CONVENTION  FOR  THE  EXTENSION 
OF  THE  FOREIGN  COMMERCE  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES,  WASH- 
INGTON. D.  C.  JANUARY  14,  1907 

1  THANK  you  for  your  cordial  greeting,  and  I  thank  you, 
Mr.  Chainnan,  for  the  very  kind  terms  which  you  have 
used  regarding  myself.  I  have  come  here  with  pleasure,  not 
to  make  a  prepared  address,  or  to  attempt  oratory,  but  to  talk 
a  few  minutes  about  subjects  of  common  interest  to  us  all. 

I  wish  first  to  express  the  satisfaction  that  I  feel  in  the 
existence  of  this  convention.  The  process  of  discussion,  con- 
sideration, mutual  information,  and  comparison  of  opinion 
among  the  people  who  are  not  in  office,  is  the  process  that 
puts  imder  the  forms  of  representative  government  the  reality 
of  freedom  and  of  a  self-governing  people.  The  discussion 
which  takes  place  in  such  meetings  as  this,  and  which  is 
stimulated  by  such  meetings  as  this,  in  the  club,  in  all  the 
local  associations  and  places  where  men  meet  throughout 
the  country,  is  at  once  far  removed  from  the  secret  and  selfish 
devices  of  the  lobbyist  and  from  the  stolid  indifference  which 
characterizes  a  people  willing  to  be  governed  without  them- 
selves having  a  voice  in  government. 

I  congratulate  you  that  you  have  come  here  to  the  nation's 
capital  to  discuss  and  consider  subjects  which  are  properly 
of  national  concern;  that  you  have  not  come  to  ask  the 
national  government  to  do  anything  which  you  ought  to  do 
yourselves  at  home  in  your  separate  states,  but  to  consider 
the  exercise  of  the  great  commerce  power  of  the  nation,  the 
power  which  from  the  beginning  of  our  government  has  been 
fittingly  placed  in  the  hands  of  the  national  administration. 


270     LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

To  my  view  we  are  advancing,  and  the  whole  world  is 
advancing,  in  the  opportunities  and  in  the  spirit  and  method 
which  create  opportunities  for  that  kind  of  commerce  which 
is  profitable  and  beneficial  to  both  parties  the  world  over. 
Our  relations  continually  grow  more  reasonable,  more  sen- 
sible and  kindly  with  Europe  and  all  the  powers  of  Europe, 
with  our  vigorous  and  growing  neighbor  to  the  north,  with 
our  rapidly  advancing  and  developing  neighbors  to  the 
south,  and  with  the  nations  that  face  us  on  the  other  side  of 
the  Pacific.  Little  occasions  for  controversy,  little  causes 
for  irritation,  Httle  incidents  of  conflicting  interests  continu- 
ally arise,  as  they  do  among  friends  and  neighbors  in  the 
same  town,  but  the  general  trend  of  international  relations 
is  a  trend  towards  mutual  respect,  mutual  consideration,  and 
substantial  good  understanding. 

Of  course  our  relations  to  Europe,  and  our  relations  to  the 
Orient,  and  our  relations  to  Canada  have  long  been  much 
discussed  and  are  worthy  of  discussion;  but  it  seems  to  me 
that  the  subject  which  at  this  particular  time  opens  before 
us  with  more  of  an  appearance,  and  just  appearance,  of  new 
opportunity  than  any  other,  is  the  subject  of  our  relations  to 
the  Latin  American  nations  to  the  south.  I  am  not  going 
to  detain  you  by  any  extended  discussion  of  that  subject. 
I  made  a  long  —  perhaps  too  long  —  speech  about  it  before 
the  Trans-Mississippi  Commercial  Congress  at  Kansas  City 
a  few  weeks  ago,  and  that  has  been  printed  in  various  forms 
and  some  of  you,  perhaps,  have  seen  it  or  will  see  it.  The 
substance  is  that  just  at  the  time  when  the  United  States 
has  reached  a  point  of  development  in  its  wonderful  resources 
and  accumulation  of  capital  so  that  it  is  possible  for  us  to 
turn  our  attention  from  the  development  of  our  own  internal 
affairs  to  reach  out  into  other  lands  for  investment,  for  the 
fruits  of  profitable  enterprise,  for  the  expansion  and  exten- 
sion of  trade  —  just  at  that  time  the  great  and  fertile  and 


SOUTH  AIVIERICAN  COMMERCE  271 

immeasurably  rich  countries  of  South  America  are  emerging 
from  the  conditions  of  internal  warfare,  of  continual  revolu- 
tion, of  disturbed  and  unsafe  property  conditions,  and  are 
acquiring  stability  in  government,  safety  for  property,  capac- 
ity to  protect  enterprise.  So  that  we  may  look  with  certainty 
to  an  enormous  increase  of  population  and  of  wealth  through- 
out the  continent  of  South  America,  and  we  may  look  with 
certainty  for  an  enormous  increase  in  purchasing  power  as  a 
consequence  of  that  increase  in  population  and  wealth. 

These  two  things  coming  together  spread  before  us  an 
opportunity  for  our  trade  and  our  enterprise  surpassed  by 
none  anywhere  in  the  world  or  at  any  time  in  our  history. 

It  was  with  this  view  that  last  summer  I  spent  three 
months,  in  response  to  the  kind  invitations  of  various  Gov- 
ernments of  South  America,  in  visiting  their  capitals,  in 
meeting  their  leading  men,  in  becoming  familiar  with  their 
conditions,  and  in  trying  to  represent  to  them  what  I  believe 
to  be  the  real  relation  of  respect  and  kindliness  on  the  part  of 
the  people  of  the  United  States. 

I  wish  you  all  could  have  seen  with  what  genuine  reciprocal 
friendship  they  accepted  the  message  that  I  brought  to  them. 
We  have  long  been  allied  to  them  by  political  sentiment. 
Now  lies  before  us  the  opportunity  —  with  their  stable 
governments  and  protection  for  enterprise  and  property,  and 
our  increased  capital  —  now  lies  before  us  the  opportunity 
to  be  allied  to  them  also  by  the  bonds  of  personal  intercourse 
and  profitable  trade. 

This  situation  is  accentuated  by  the  fact  that  we  are  turn- 
ing our  attention  to  the  south  and  engaging  there  in  the  great 
enterprise  of  constructing  the  Panama  Canal.  No  one  can 
tell  what  effect  that  will  have  upon  the  commerce  of  the 
world,  but  we  do  know  that  there  never  has  been  in  history 
a  case  of  a  great  change  in  the  trade  routes  of  the  world 
which  has  not  powerfully  affected  the  rise  and  fall  of  nations. 


272     LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

the  development  of  commerce,  and  the  development  of 
civilization. 

We,  by  the  expenditure  of  a  part  of  our  recently  acquired 
capital,  are  about  to  open  a  new  trade  route  that  will  bring 
our  Atlantic  and  Gulf  ports  into  immediate,  close  intercourse 
with  all  the  Pacific  coasts  of  South  and  Central  America, 
and  which  will  bring  our  Pacific  ports  into  immediate  and 
close  relation  with  all  the  countries  about  the  Caribbean  Sea 
and  the  eastern  coast  of  South  America.  The  combination 
of  political  sentiment  which  has  long  allied  us  with  the  Latin 
American  countries,  the  opportunity  which  comes  from  their 
change  of  conditions  and  our  increase  of  capital,  and  the 
effects  that  must  necessarily  follow  the  opening  of  the  great 
trade  route  of  the  Panama  Canal,  all  point  to  the  development 
of  American  enterprise  and  American  trade  to  the  south. 

Now,  in  considering  that  view  of  the  future  there  are  cer- 
tain practical  considerations  that  necessarily  arise.  How  are 
we  to  adapt  ourselves  to  this  new  condition  ?  How  are  we 
to  utilize  this  opportunity  ?  One  subject  naturally  presents 
itself,  and  that  is  the  increase  of  means  of  communication 
through  which  our  intercourse  and  our  trade  may  be  carried 
on.  And  that  may  be  in  two  ways:  one  by  the  promotion 
of  the  railroad,  long  ago  projected,  and  in  constant  course  of 
development  —  the  road  that  we  speak  of  as  the  Pan  Ameri- 
can road.  When  we  speak  of  the  Pan  American  Railroad 
we  are  speaking  of  something  of  the  future,  and  which  exists 
today  only  in  a  great  number  of  links,  each  of  which  has  its 
separate  name.  They  are  being  built,  and  being  built  with 
great  rapidity.  Li  Mexico,  in  Guatemala,  in  Bolivia,  in  Peru, 
in  the  Argentine,  in  other  countries  pieces  of  road  are  being 
built  —  many  of  them  by  American  capital  and  American 
enterprise;  some  of  them  by  capital  coming  from  other 
countries  —  promoted  by  the  strong  desire  of  the  people  of 
these  Latin  American  countries  to  break  out  from  their  iso- 


SOUTH  AMERICAN  COMMERCE  273 

lation  and  to  be  brought  into  closer  contact  with  the  rest  of 
the  world.  Those  pieces  are  being  built  until  now,  when  the 
work  actually  under  contract  is  completed,  there  will  be  less 
than  4,000  miles  remaining  to  be  built  to  make  a  complete 
railroad  which  will  imite  the  city  of  Washington  with  the 
city  of  Buenos  Ayres  in  the  Argentine. 

One  of  the  objects  of  the  Rio  conference  last  summer  was 
to  promote  and  further  the  interest  of  all  American  countries 
in  the  building  of  this  road,  and  I  am  glad  to  believe  that  the 
action  taken  by  that  conference  has  had  that  eflPect.  The  line 
now  running  to  the  south  is  almost  through  Mexico  —  has 
almost  reached  the  Guatemala  line;  and  lines  are  being  built 
in  Guatemala  to  connect  with  that;  and  within  the  life  of 
men  now  sitting  in  this  room  it  will  be  possible  for  passengers 
and  merchandise  to  travel  by  rail  practically  the  entire 
length  of  both  the  North  and  South  American  continents. 

The  other  method  of  communication  is  by  steamships. 
We  are  lamentably  deficient  in  that.  A  great  many  fine, 
swift,  commodious  lines  of  steamships  run  between  the 
South  American  ports  and  Europe  and  very  few  and  com- 
paratively pKX)r  ships  run  between  those  ports  and  the  ports 
of  the  United  States.  No  American  line  runs  south  of  the 
Caribbean  Sea.  Our  mails  are  slow  and  uncertain.  It  is  a 
matter  of  hardship  for  a  passenger  to  go  directly  between  the 
great  South  American  ports  and  the  great  North  American 
ports,  while  the  mails  run  swiftly  and  certainly  to  and  from 
Europe,  and  it  is  a  pleasure  for  a  passenger  to  go  between 
one  of  those  ports  and  the  European  ports.  The  Postmaster- 
General  reports  that  the  best  way  for  him  to  get  the 
despatches  from  my  Department  to  our  ministers  in  South 
America  with  certainty  and  swiftness  is  to  send  them  to 
Euroi>e  and  have  them  sent  from  there  to  South  America. 
That  condition  of  things  ought  not  to  continue  if  we  can 
prevent  it. 


274     LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

One  great  reason  why  it  exists  is,  that  American  shipping 
is  driven  off  the  seas  by  two  great  obstacles  interposed  in  its 
way  by  legislation.  One  is  the  legislation  of  foreign  countries 
which  has  subsidized  foreign  shipping;  the  other  is  the  legis- 
lation of  our  own  country  which  by  the  protective  tariff  has 
raised  the  standard  of  living  of  all  Americans  —  a  most 
beneficent  result  —  has  raised  the  standard  of  living  of  all 
Americans  so  that  American  ships  paying  and  feeding  their 
officers  and  men  according  to  the  American  standard  cannot 
compete  on  even  terms  with  foreign  ships,  the  cost  of  whose 
officers  and  men  is  under  the  foreign  standard. 

If  our  Government  will  equalize  these  artificial  disadvan- 
tages under  which  our  vessels  labor  and  will  do  for  them 
enough  to  make  up  to  them  the  disadvantage  caused  by 
raising  the  standard  of  living  of  the  men  they  employ  and 
to  make  up  to  them  the  disadvantage,  coming  from  the  fact 
that  their  foreign  competitors  are  subsidized  by  foreign 
governments  for  the  purpose  of  promoting  foreign  trade 
against,American  trade,  we  will  have  an  American  merchant 
marine  and  American  ships  to  carry  passengers  and  freight 
and  mails  between  South  and  North  American  ports.  A  bill 
to  provide  that  is  pending  in  Congress  now.  It  has  passed 
the  Senate.  It  is  in  the  Committee  of  the  House.  I  hope  that 
all  of  you  who  agree  with  me  in  believing  that  our  Govern- 
ment ought  to  be  fair  to  the  American  merchant  marine  will 
say  so  out  loud;  say  so  to  your  neighbors;  say  so  in  such  a 
way  that  American  public  opinion  will  realize  that  that  kind 
of  fair  treatment  is  not  a  matter  of  the  lobbyist,  but  is  a 
matter  of  broad,  American  public  policy. 

There  is  one  other  subject  —  very  important  as  a  part  of 
this  general  outlook  and  forecast  of  American  policy  looking 
towards  the  south.  That  is  our  special  relation  towards  the 
countries,  the  smaller  coimtries  about  the  Caribbean,  and 
particularly  the  West  Indian  countries,  the  islands  that  lie 


SOUTH  AMERICAN  COMMERCE  275 

directly  on  the  route  between  our  ports  and  the  Panama 
Canal.  Some  of  them  have  had  a  pretty  hard  time.  The 
conditions  of  their  lives  have  been  such  that  it  has  been  diffi- 
cult for  them  to  maintain  stable  and  orderly  governments. 
They  have  been  cursed,  some  of  them,  by  frequent  revolu- 
tion. Poor  Cuba,  with  her  wonderful  climate  and  richness 
of  soil,  has  suffered.  We  have  done  the  best  we  could  to  help 
her,  and  we  mean  to  go  on  doing  the  best  we  can  to  help  her. 

I  think  the  key  of  our  attitude  towards  these  countries 
can  be  put  in  three  sentences: 

First.    We  do  not  want  to  take  them  for  ourselves. 

Second.  We  do  not  want  any  foreign  nations  to  take  them 
for  themselves. 

Third.    We  want  to  help  them. 

Now,  we  can  help  them;  help  them  govern  themselves, 
help  them  to  acquire  capacity  for  self-government,  help  them 
along  the  road  that  Brazil  and  the  Argentine  and  Chile  and 
Peru  and  a  number  of  other  South  American  countries  have 
travelled  —  up  out  of  the  discord  and  turmoil  of  continual 
revolution  into  a  general  pubHc  sense  of  justice  and  deter- 
mination to  maintain  order. 

There  is  a  good  deal  of  talk  in  the  newspapers  about  the 
annexation  of  Cuba.  Never!  so  long  as  the  people  of  Cuba 
do  not  themselves  give  up  the  effort  to  govern  themselves. 
Our  efforts  should  be  towards  helping  them  to  be  self-govern- 
ing. That  is  what  we  are  trying  to  do  now  and  ^hat  we 
mean  to  try  to  do. 

So  with  Santo  Domingo.  Poor  Santo  Domingo!  With 
her  phenomenal  richness  of  soil,  her  people  ought  to  be 
among  the  richest  and  happiest  on  earth;  but  the  island  has 
been  the  scene  of  almost  continued  revolution  and  bloodshed. 
Her  politics  are  purely  personal,  and  have  been  a  continual 
struggle  of  this  and  that  and  the  other  man  to  secure  ascen- 
dancy and  power.     She  has  come  to  us  for  help.     She  is 


276     LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

burdened  with  an  enormous  amount  of  debt,  much  of  it 
fraudulent,  much  of  it  created  by  revolutionary  governments 
in  the  bush  or  by  regular  governments  in  distress,  needing  a 
little  money  to  save  themselves  from  being  overthrown,  in 
desperate  circumstances,  ready  to  make  any  sort  of  bargain, 
to  pay  any  sort  of  interest,  to  promise  anything  to  get  imme- 
diate relief.  Many  debts  have  been  created  in  that  way 
and  are  hanging  over  her,  foreign  debts  as  to  which  she  has 
pledged  the  resources  of  this  custom-house  to  the  creditors 
of  this  country,  and  of  that  custom-house  to  the  creditors  of 
that  country,  and  of  another  custom-house  to  the  creditors 
of  the  third  country.  She  is  unable  to  pay  interest;  unable  to 
make  any  settlement  because  she  could  not  give  anything 
to  carry  out  any  settlement.  With  this  enormous  debt  hang- 
ing over  her  like  a  pall,  and  with  this  record  of  continual 
revolution  and  strife  depriving  her  of  credit,  depriving  her 
of  courage  and  of  hope,  she  came  to  us  to  help  her.  And  we 
are  trying  to  arrange  so  that  she  may  have  the  Httle  —  very 
little  —  moral  support  of  the  United  States  which  is  neces- 
sary to  settle  her  debts,  to  insure  the  honest  collection  of  her 
revenue  and  its  application  to  carry  out  the  settlement,  and 
that  she  may  be  able  to  stand  and  walk  alone.  Now,  we  are 
trying  to  make  an  arrangement  of  that  kind  by  a  treaty; 
trying  to  perform  the  office  of  friendship  and  discharge  the 
duty  of  good  neighborhood  towards  Santo  Domingo.  I  hope 
you  will  take  a  little  interest  in  this  unfortunate  neighbor 
and  try  to  create  a  little  interest  in  her  on  the  part  of  our 
people;  for  our  treatment  of  Santo  Domingo,  like  our  treat- 
ment of  Cuba,  is  but  a  part  of  a  great  policy  which  shall  in 
the  years  to  come  determine  the  relations  of  this  vast  coun- 
try, with  its  wealth  and  enterprise,  to  the  millions  of  men 
and  women  and  the  countless  miUions  of  trade  and  treasure 
of  the  great  world  to  the  south. 


SOUTH  AMERICAN  COMMERCE  277 

Our  treatment  of  Santo  Domiijgo,  like  our  treatment  of 
Cuba,  is  but  a  part  of  the  working  out  of  the  policy  of  peace 
and  righteousness  as  the  basis  for  wealth  and  prosperity,  in 
place  of  the  poHcy  of  force,  of  plunder,  of  conquest,  as  the 
means  of  acquiring  wealth. 

The  question  is  frequently  asked.  Should  not  a  series  of 
reciprocity  treaties  be  adopted  for  the  purpose  of  promoting 
our  relations  with  these  southern  countries  ?  That  is  not  so 
important  in  regard  to  the  South  American  coimtries  as  it 
might  seem  at  first,  because  so  greatly  do  the  productions  of 
North  and  South  America  vary  that  most  of  the  products 
of  South  America  already  come  into  the  United  States  free,  as 
they  are  not  competing  with  our  products.  Between  eighty 
and  ninety  per  cent  of  all  our  imports  from  South  America 
are  now  admitted  to  the  United  States  free  of  duty.  The 
great  country  of  Brazil  —  over  ninety  per  cent  of  all  our 
imports  from  there  come  in  free  of  duty.  So  that  the  field 
to  be  covered  by  reciprocity  treaties  with  those  countries  is 
comparatively  narrow,  and  that  question  is  not  a  question 
of  first  importance  in  regard  to  our  relations  with  them. 
There  are,  however,  some  countries  in  regard  to  whose 
products  I  should  like  very  much  to  see  an  opportunity  to 
make  reciprocity  treaties. 

But  this  opens  up  a  broader  subject.  I  do  not  think  that 
the  subject  of  reciprocity  can  now  be  adequately  considered 
or  discussed  without  going  into  that  broader  subject,  and 
that  is  the  whole  form  of  our  tariff  laws. 

In  my  judgment  the  United  States  must  come  to  a  maxi- 
mum and  minimum  tariff. 

A  single  straight-out  tariff  was  all  very  well  in  the  world 
of  single  straight-out  tariffs;  but  we  have  passed  on,  during 
the  course  of  years,  into  a  world  for  the  most  part  of  maxi- 
mum and  minimum  tariffs,  and  with  our  single-rate  tariff 


£78    LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

we  are  left  with  very  little  opportunity  to  reciprocate  good 
treatment  from  other  countries  in  their  tariffs  and  very  little 
opportunity  to  defend  ourselves  against  bad  treatment.  Of 
course  this  is  the  side  that  I  look  at;  this  is  my  point  of  view. 
I  may  be  wrong,  but  this  is  the  way  it  looks  to  me  —  that 
any  country  in  the  world  can  put  up  its  tariff  against  our 
products  as  compared  with  similar  products  from  another 
country  without  suffering  for  it  so  far  as  our  present  laws  are 
concerned.  We  go  on  taking  that  country's  products  at  just 
the  same  rates  as  we  did  before.  Any  country  in  the  world 
knows  that  if  it  puts  down  our  products  in  its  tariff  it  will 
get  no  benefit  from  it  because  we  will  have  to  charge  it 
the  same  rates  that  we  charge  the  country  that  treats  us  the 
worst.  The  maximum  and  minimum  tariff  would  be  free 
from  one  serious  difficulty  that  arises  in  the  negotiation  of 
reciprocity  treaties.  That  difficulty  is  this :  When  you  make 
a  reciprocity  treaty  with  Country  A,  agreeing  to  receive  cer- 
tain products  from  that  country  at  less  than  our  tariff 
schedules,  you  are  immediately  confronted  by  Country  B, 
which  is  equally  friendly  with  us,  treats  us  as  well  or  per- 
haps better,  and  to  which  we  cannot  with  good  grace  refuse 
the  same.  Then  comes  Country  C  with  the  same  demand, 
and  D  and  E.  The  result  is  that  with  that  fair  and  equal 
treatment  which  we  wish  to  accord  to  all  countries  there  is 
a  tendency,  by  means  of  successive  reciprocity  treaties,  to 
change  the  whole  form  of  the  tariff,  and  to  change  it  without 
that  fuU  and  general  discussion,  without  that  deliberate  con- 
sideration of  the  effect  upon  all  American  interests,  which 
there  ought  to  be  in  dealing  with  this  complicated  and  inter- 
woven business  of  tariff  rates.  Now,  a  maximum  and  mini- 
mum tariff  would  enable  us  to  deal  equally  with  all  countries, 
as  we  are  friendly,  and  ought  to  be,  with  all  countries.  It 
would  be  free  from  invidious  discrimination;  it  would  enable 
us  to  protect  ourselves  against  those  that  use  us  badly,  to 


SOUTH  AMERICAN  COMIVIERCE  279 

reward  those  that  use  us  well;  and  it  would  proceed  upon  a 
general  and  intelligent  consideration  of  all  interests. 

There  is  but  one  other  subject  that  I  want  to  speak  to 
you  about,  one  to  which  the  convention  that  met  here  last 
year  contributed  very  much,  and  that  is  representation 
abroad  under  the  American  consular  system. 

The  American  consular  service,  I  had  the  honor  to  say 
here  last  year,  has  been  an  exceptionally  uneven  one.  There 
have  been  many  very  good  men  in  it,  and  there  have  been 
many  men  in  it  who  were  simply  passing  the  remainder  of 
their  days  in  dignified  retirement.  That  came  along  natur- 
ally enough  when  we  did  not  have  much  foreign  trade  and 
we  were  not  pushing  much  for  foreign  trade;  but  the  strain 
on  that  machinery  has  of  late  years  become  rather  great; 
We  are  pushing  out  in  all  the  world  for  trade,  and  our  people 
want  information.  Some  of  them  need  it  —  all  want  it  — 
and  they  need  to  be  well  represented  among  the  people  of  the 
other  countries  where  they  want  to  do  business.  And 
wherever  there  is  a  weak  spot  there  is  trouble  and  dissatis- 
faction. So  that  with  changing  times  a  change  in  method 
has  become  necessary. 

Congress  passed  a  law  at  the  last  session,  the  material 
parts  of  which  had  been  hanging  in  Congress  for  over  thir- 
teen years,  introduced  years  ago  by  men  with  foresight  a 
little  in  advance  of  the  practical  requirements  of  the  time. 
Their  ideas  did  not  receive  endorsement  and  practical  effect 
until  the  last  session.  The  Congress  in  that  law  classified 
the  consulates  in  different  grades.  They  provided  an  inspec- 
tion service,  so  that  now  we  have  inspectors  who  have  been 
selected  from  among  the  most  able  and  eflScient  consuls  and 
whose  business  it  is  to  see  what  consuls  are  doing  and  whether 
they  are  doing  anything,  so  that  now  the  State  Department 
will  not  be  the  last  place  where  information  is  received  about 
the  misdeeds  of  a  consul. 


280     LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

They  made  provision  that  all  fees  should  be  turned  into 
the  Treasury  and  the  sole  compensation  of  consuls  should  be 
their  salary,  thus  closing  the  door  to  temptation. 

They  did  in  that  act  a  number  of  very  good  things  for  the 
consular  service.  There  was  a  clause  in  the  bill  originally 
which  provided  that  all  appointments  to  the  higher  positions 
in  the  service  should  be  by  promotion  from  the  lower  posi- 
tions, and  that  all  appointments  to  the  lower  positions  should 
be  upon  examination.  That  was  stricken  out  because  it  was 
considered  that  Congress  had  no  constitutional  right  to  limit 
the  President  in  that  way.  There  is  a  good  deal  to  be  said 
for  that  view;  but  it  is  equally  true  of  appointments  to  the 
army  and  to  the  navy,  yet  there  have  stood  upon  the  statute 
books  of  the  United  States  for  many  years  provisions  for  the 
filling  of  higher  grades  in  the  army  and  navy  by  promotion, 
and  for  the  appointment  to  the  lower  grades  only  upon  a 
satisfactory  examination.  And  those  provisions,  while 
doubtless  the  President  could  break  over  them  with  the  con- 
sent of  the  Senate,  nevertheless  have  constituted  a  kind  of 
agreement  between  the  President  and  the  Senate,  having 
the  appointing  power,  and  Congress  which  creates  the  offices 
and  appropriates  the  money  to  pay  them,  as  to  how  the  offices 
are  to  be  filled.  I  would  like  to  see  that  kind  of  an  agreement 
applied  to  the  consular  service,  so  that  the  method  of  selec- 
tion could  be  settled,  and  permanently  settled,  as  it  has  been 
in  the  army  and  the  navy. 

Immediately  after  the  passage  of  the  consular  reorgani- 
zation act  with  that  clause  omitted,  the  President  made  an 
order,  known  as  the  Order  of  June  27,  1906,  in  which  he 
provided  that  all  the  upper  grades  should  be  filled  by  pro- 
motion and  that  the  lower  grades  should  be  filled  only  upon 
examination,  and  prescribed  the  method  of  the  examination, 
and  also  provided  that  as  between  candidates  of  equal  merit 
the  appointments  should  be  made  so  as  to  equahze  them 


SOUTH  AMERICAN  COMMERCE  281 

throughout  the  United  States,  as  they  ought  to  be  equalized 
so  far  as  it  is  practicable,  and  also  that  the  appointments 
should  be  made  without  regard  to  the  political  aflSliations  of 
the  candidates. 

Under  that  order  we  will  have  the  opportimity,  in  filling 
all  of  the  important  consulates,  to  get  the  best  possible  evi- 
dence as  to  whether  a  man  is  fit  for  the  important  place  by 
scanning  the  work  of  the  young  men  in  the  lower  places  — 
better  than  a  dozen  examinations  and  better  than  ten 
thousand  letters  of  recommendation. 

Under  that  plan  we  will  put  in  the  young  men  who  come 
along  for  the  lower  grades  of  places  and  bar  out  the  lazy 
fellows  that  want  to  fall  back  on  a  living  they  are  not  ener- 
getic enough  to  get  for  themselves.  And  when  we  have 
seen  how  the  young  fellows  work  in  the  lower  places  we  will 
pick  out  the  men  here  and  there  who  are  bom  consuls  and 
put  them  into  the  higher  places. 

Now,  that  is  the  law  for  this  Administration.  It  is  good 
until  March  4,  1909.  What  will  become  of  it  then  no  one 
can  tell.  I  should  be  very  glad  if  the  public  opinion  of  the 
coimtry  would  say  to  Congress:  Agree  to  that  in  such  a  way 
that  it  will  be  permanent  for  all  time. 

Gentlemen,  I  thank  you  for  your  attention  and  again 
renew  my  expression  of  satisfaction  at  the  intelligent  public 
service  you  have  rendered  by  leaving  your  homes  and  your 
occupations  to  come  here  and  do  the  work  of  self-governing 
American  citizens. 


INDIVIDUAL  EFFORT  IN  TRADE 
EXPANSION 

ADDRESS  AT  THE  PAN  AMERICAN  COMMERCIAL  CONFERENCE 
WASfflNGTON,  D.  C.  FEBRUARY  17.  1911 

GOVERNMENTS  may  hold  doors  open  all  over  the 
world,  but  if  there  is  no  one  to  go  through  them  it  is  an 
empty  form,  and  people  get  tired  of  holding  doors  open  as 
an  empty  form.  The  claims  of  a  government  to  consideration 
soon  come  to  be  r^arded  as  pretentious  unless  there  are 
really  substantial  interests  behind  the  claims.  No  govern- 
ment, and  least  of  all  our  government,  least  of  all  a  demo- 
cratic republic,  can  make  commerce  to  go  through  open 
doors,  to  avail  itself  of  fair  and  equal  treatment,  and  to  give 
substance  and  reality  to  the  theoretical  increase  of  amity 
and  friendship  between  nations.  The  people  of  the  country 
must  do  it  themselves,  and  they  must  do  it  by  individual 
enterprise;  they  must  do  it  by  turning  their  attention  toward 
the  opportunities  that  are  afforded  by  friendly  governments, 
by  availing  themselves  of  those  opportunities,  and  by  carry- 
ing on  their  business  through  availing  themselves  of  them. 
But  while  it  is  a  matter  of  individual  enterprise,  while  that 
must  be  the  basis  of  all  development  and  progress,  all 
advance,  all  extension,  nevertheless,  there  must  be  something 
besides  the  individual  enterprise.  The  great  principle  of 
organization  which  is  revolutionizing  the  business  and  the 
social  enterprise  of  the  world,  applies  here  as  it  applies  else- 
where. No  single  business  can  make  very  much  advance 
except  as  all  other  business  of  the  country  makes  advance. 
No  one  can  go  into  a  new  field  very  far  in  advance  of  others; 
and  the  way  for  each  man  to  make  his  business  successful  in 

883 


284     LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

a  new  field  is  to  do  his  share  as  a  member  of  the  community, 
as  a  citizen  of  his  country,  as  one  of  the  great  business 
organizations  of  his  country,  to  advance  the  trade,  the  com- 
merce, the  influence  of  his  country  as  a  whole,  in  the  field 
into  which  he  wishes  to  enter.  A  recognition  of  the  depen- 
dence of  each  man's  business  for  its  prosperity  and  progress 
upon  the  prosperity  and  progress  of  the  business  of  all  is 
necessary  in  order  that  there  be  real  progress. 

Now,  there  are  governments  which  undertake  actively  to 
lead  in  this  direction,  and  they  are  governments  which  are 
making  enormous  progress.  Germany,  a  country  regarding 
which  Mr.  White  has  just  spoken  in  such  apt  and  appropriate 
terms,  leads,  and  to  a  considerable  extent  in  various  direc- 
tions, it  requires  the  combination  of  her  manufacturers,  her 
producers,  and  her  commercial  concerns.  Japan  practically 
does  also.  There  is  solidarity  brought  about  by  the  wonder- 
ful organization  of  that  combination;  so  that  it  is  one  for  all, 
and  all  for  one,  under  government  leadership.  We  cannot 
do  it  here.  Our  country  cannot  take  that  kind  of  lead.  Our 
people  do  not  conceive  of  that  as  a  function  of  government, 
and  as  far  as  the  activities  of  our  government  are  concerned, 
they  are  largely  engaged  in  breaking  up  organizations  which 
do  increase  the  industrial  efficiency  of  our  country.  I  do  not 
want  to  be  understood  as  criticising  that.  It  is  all  right  to 
break  them  up  when  they  are  taking  too  great  a  portion  of  the 
field  for  themselves.  It  is  all  right  and  important  to  break 
them  up  when  they  are  monopolizing  the  means  of  subsis- 
tence that  should  be  spread  throughout  the  great  body  of 
the  people.  But  we  must  recognize  the  fact  that  when 
our  government  does  enforce  the  law  —  a  just  law,  wise  law 
—  against  our  great  commercial  and  our  great  industrial 
organizations,  it  reduces  the  industrial  efficiency  of  the  coun- 
try. There  is  only  one  way  to  counteract  that  effect,  not 
violating  any  law,  but  securing  through  organization  the 


TRADE  EXPANSION  285 

united  action,  and  concentrated  action  of  great  numbers  of 
Americans  who  have  a  common  purpose,  substituting  that 
kind  of  organization  for  the  organizations  which  it  is  the  duty 
of  our  government  to  break  up,  because  they  are  contrary  to 
our  laws. 

I  am  much  gratified  by  this  meeting  and  by  the  associa- 
tion of  so  many  practical  men,  business  men,  who,  by  unit- 
ing, are  really  creating  a  new  force  in  this  direction,  upon 
which  I  am  sure  we  ought  to  move. 

Let  me  say  one  thing  about  the  practical  direction  of  your 
efforts.  The  so-called  Ship  Subsidy  bill  has  been  reduced 
now  to  nothing  hml  the  proposition  that  the  Government 
should  be  authorized  to  pay  out  of  the  profits  of  the  ocean 
mail  service  adequate  compensation  to  procure  the  carriage 
of  the  mails  by  American  steamers  to  South  America;  that 
is  what  it  has  come  down  to.  It  passed  the  Senate,  as  Mr. 
White  has  said,  only  by  the  casting  of  the  vote  of  the  Vice- 
President,  and  I  do  not  know  what  will  be  done  with  it  in  the 
House.  I  am  afraid  in  these  last  days  that  it  may  be  lost  in 
the  shuffle. 

There  are  two  reasons  why  that  perfectly  simple  and 
reasonable  proposition  failed  to  carry  a  great  majority  of 
the  Senate,  and  fails  —  if  it  does  fail  —  to  be  certain  of 
passing  the  House.  One  is  because  there  is  a  difference 
between  the  people  who  want  to  have  the  thing  accomplished 
about  the  way  in  which  it  should  be  accomplished.  That  is 
one  of  the  most  common  things  in  the  world.  A  certain  set 
of  men  who  want  to  have  a  revival  of  our  merchant  marine, 
say  the  way  to  do  it  is  to  pay  subsidies,  the  way  to  do  it  is  to 
equalize  the  differences  between  the  cost  of  maintaining  and 
running  an  American  ship  and  the  cost  of  maintaining  and 
running  a  foreign  ship,  and  to  equal  the  subsidies  paid  by 
practically  all  the  other  great  commercial  nations  to  their 
steamship  lines.    Another  set  of  men  who  equally  desire  to 


286     LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

restore  our  merchant  marine,  say  that  is  not  the  right  way; 
the  right  way  is  to  throw  open  the  doors  and  enable  our 
people  to  buy  their  ships  abroad.  Still  others  say  the  true 
way  is  to  authorize  our  ships  to  employ  crews  and  officers  of 
the  low-priced  men  of  the  world,  relieve  them  from  the 
obligations  imposed  upon  them  in  respect  of  the  employ- 
ment of  Americans,  people  of  the  United  States,  who  will 
require  the  high  standard  of  living  that  has  been  produced 
in  the  United  States  by  the  operation  of  our  protective  sys- 
tem, relieve  them  from  the  obligations  which  are  imposed 
upon  them  by  our  laws  in  regard  to  the  requirements  of  the 
crew,  the  air  space,  the  food,  and  the  treatment  that  a  crew 
is  to  receive,  so  that  it  will  be  cheaper  to  run  an  American 
ship.  Now,  between  these  different  sets  of  people,  having 
different  ideas  of  the  way  to  accomplish  a  thing,  nothing  is 
done;  and  that  situation  which  exists  so  frequently  regard- 
ing so  many  measures  will  exist  forever,  unless  there  is  put 
behind  the  proposition  a  force  that  gives  it  a  momentum  to 
carry  it  over  such  obstacles.  Put  force  enough  behind  it  so 
that  the  gentlemen  in  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representa- 
tives understand  that  they  are  going  to  be  held  responsible 
by  the  American  people,  going  to  be  held  responsible  for  not 
doing  the  thing,  for  not  finding  out  some  way  to  do  it,  and 
they  will  come  to  this  sensible  conclusion  very  shortly, 
and  that  is: 

"  We  will  settle  the  controversy  about  the  way  it  should 
be  done  by  trying  one  thing  first,  and  if  that  does  not  work, 
we  will  try  the  other." 

Another  difficulty  about  this  measure  is  that  there  is  a 
difference  in  appreciation  of  its  importance  in  different  parts 
of  the  country.  Down  here  on  the  seaboard  I  think  most 
people  do  appreciate  it.  You  appreciate  it;  all  the  people 
who  are  concerned,  or  wish  to  be  concerned,  in  South  Ameri- 
can trade,  or  the  trade  of  the  Orient,  appreciate  it;  but  you 


TRADE  EXPANSION  287 

go  back  into  the  interior  of  the  country,  into  the  great  agri- 
cultural states  of  the  Northwest,  and  the  farther  Middle 
West,  states  along  in  the  valley  of  the  Mississippi  and  the 
Missouri,  and  the  people  there  are  thinking  about  other 
things,  and  they  have  a  natural  dislike  for  subsidies,  and 
when  told  that  a  measure  means  giving  somebody  else 
something  for  nothing,  they  express  and  impress  upon  their 
representatives  a  great  dislike  for  it.  The  way  for  us  to  get 
something  done  is  not  for  us  who  are  in  favor  of  it  to  talk  to 
each  other  about  it.  We  can  do  that  indefinitely  without 
getting  much  farther.  The  way  is  to  take  steps  to  bring  to 
the  minds  of  the  p)eople  of  the  valley  of  the  Missouri  and  the 
Northwest,  and  those  great  agricultural  states  the  impor- 
tance to  them,  as  well  as  to  us,  of  having  our  merchant  marine 
restored. 

I  noticed  the  other  day  that  the  people  of  San  Fran- 
cisco were  justifying  their  confidence  in  themselves  by  pro- 
curing all  their  business  correspondents  in  the  state  of  New 
York  to  write  letters  to  me  in  favor  of  having  the  great 
"  Exposition  and  Celebration  of  the  Opening  of  the  Canal 
in  San  Francisco  ";  and  these  letters  came  in  by  the  thou- 
sand from  my  constituents.  They  became  so  tiresome  that 
I  came  very  near  voting  against  the  project  as  a  measure  of 
revenge;  but  it  showed  the  San  Francisco  people  understood 
where  to  go  in  order  to  preach  their  doctrine.  They  did  not 
talk  to  each  other  on  the  Pacific  coast  about  it.  They  came 
to  New  York  and  got  their  business  correspondents  interested 
in  it,  and  got  them  to  talk  to  their  representatives  about  it. 
That  is  what  you  want  to  do  in  Kansas  and  Nebraska  and 
Iowa  and  the  Dakotas  —  you  want,  through  all  the  relations 
that  you  have,  and  by  every  means  in  your  power,  to  repre- , 
sent  to  the  people  of  those  great  interior  states,  who  have  but 
little  direct  relation  with  the  ocean  commerce  of  the  world, 
the  real  conditions  imder  which  we  exist,  and  the  importance 


288     LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

to  the  whole  country  of  doing  something;  and  if  they  do 
come  to  appreciate  the  importance  to  the  country  of  doing 
what  you  are  talking  about,  then  they  will  be  for  it,  for  they 
are  sincere,  patriotic  Americans. 

There  is  but  one  thing  more  I  want  to  say  regarding  the 
relations  which  underlie  the  success  of  such  an  enterprise  as 
you  are  now  engaged  in.  Of  course,  you  have  had  a  great 
amount  of  advice,  and  a  great  many  speakers  have  told  you 
a  great  many  things  you  know,  and  I  am  going  to  put  myself 
in  line  with  the  distinguished  gentlemen  who  have  preceded 
me  by  doing  the  same  thing.  At  the  basis  of  all  intercourse, 
commercial  as  well  as  social,  necessarily  lies  a  genuine  good 
understanding.  That  cannot  be  simulated ;  the  pretense  of  it 
is  in  general,  in  the  long  run,  futile.  People  trade  with  those 
with  whom  they  have  sympathy;  they  tend  to  trade  with 
their  friends.  The  basis  of  all  permanent  commercial  inter- 
course is  benefit  to  both  parties  —  not  that  cut-throat  rela- 
tion which  may  exist  between  enemies,  where  one  is  trying  to 
do  the  other  —  and  a  relation  founded  upon  mutual  respect, 
good  understanding,  sympathy,  and  friendship;  and  the  way 
to  reach  the  condition  which  is  thus  essential  is  by  personal 
intercourse  and  acquaintance  between  the  men  of  Anglo- 
Saxon  or  German  or  Norse,  or  whatever  race  they  may  be, 
peopling  the  United  States,  and  the  men  of  the  Latin 
American  race  peopling  the  countries  of  the  South. 
1  This  is  something,  my  friends,  in  which  our  people  are  very 
deficient.  So  long  have  we  been  separated  from  the  other 
nations  of  the  earth  that  one  of  our  faults  is  a  failure  to 
appreciate  the  qualities  of  the  people  who  are  unlike  us.  I 
have  often  had  occasion  to  quote  something  that  Bret  Harte 
said  about  the  people  of  a  frontier  western  camp,  to  whom 
came  a  stranger  who  was  regarded  by  them  as  having  "  the 
defective  moral  quality  of  being  a  foreigner."  Difference 
from  us  does  not  involve  inferiority  to  us.    It  may  involve 


TRA.de  expansion  289 

our  Inferiority  to  somebody  else.  The  sooner  our  business 
men  open  their  minds  to  the  idea  that  the  peoples  of  other 
countries,  different  races  and  speaking  different  languages 
and  with  different  customs  and  laws,  are  quite  our  equals, 
worthy  of  our  respect,  worthy  of  our  esteem,  regard,  and 
affection,  the  sooner  we  shall  reach  a  basis  on  which  we  can 
advance  our  commerce  all  over  the  worid.  A  little  more 
modesty  is  a  good  thing  for  us  occasionally;  a  little  appre- 
ciation of  the  good  qualities  of  others  —  and  let  me  tell  you 
that  nowhere  on  earth  are  there  more  noble,  admirable  and 
lovable  qualities  to  be  found  among  men  than  you  will  find 
among  the  people  of  Latin  America.  J7 

Gentlemen,  I  hope  for  you  the  effectiveness  of  a  great  and 
permanent  organization,  and  that  you  may  advance  the  time 
when  through  more  perfect  knowledge,  through  broader 
sympathies  and  a  better  understanding,  ties  of  commerce 
may  bind  together  all  our  countries,  advance  our  wealth  and 
prosperity  and  well-being  with  equal  step  aer  they  advance 
the  wealth  and  prosperity  and  well-being  of^l  those  with 
whom  we  deal,  and  increase  the  tie  of  that  perfect  under- 
standing of  other  peoples  which  is  the  condition  of  unbroken 
and  permanent  peace. 


WELCOME  TO  THE  LATIN  AMERICAN  PUB- 
LICISTS TAKING  PART   IN  THE  SECOND 
PAN  AMERICAN  SCIENTIFIC  CONGRESS 

WASHINGTON,  DECEMBER  30,  1915 

Mr.  Root's  interest  in  and  knowledge  o!  the  American  republics  is  not  of  yester- 
day, nor  does  it  date  from  his  secretaryship  of  state.  It  antedated  and  has  survived 
official  position.  In  1893  it  inspired  his  address  of  welcome  to  the  officers  of  the 
foreign  and  United  States  squadrons  which  escorted  the  Spanish  caravels  to  New 
York.  It  colors  with  a  touch  of  personal  feeling  hb  address  on  the  Codification  of 
IntemationaI'Law,  deUvered  before  the  joint  sessions  of  the  American  Society  and 
the  American  Institute  of  International  Law,  and  is  beautifully  expressed  m  the 
following  brief  passage  from  his  remarks  at  the  dinner  of  the  Carnegie  Endowment 
for  International  Peace  to  the  delegates  of  the  Second  Pan  American  Scientific 
Congress. 

Gentlemen  of  the  Pan  American  Scientific  Congress,  and  our  guests:  I  can- 
not refrain,  in  opening  the  postprandial  exercises  of  this  evening,  from  express- 
ing the  great  satisfaction  which  I  feel  in  taking  part  in  the  transformation  of 
the  serious  and  sometimes  dry  exercises  of  our  meetings  into  this  social  func- 
tion. It  is  esi)ecially  agreeable  to  me  because  I  cherish  such  rich  and  precious 
memories  of  hospitality  received  from  our  South  American  guests. 

I  have  said  many  times  to  my  own  countrymen,  without  ever  provoking 

resentment  on  their  part,  that  I  wish  they  could  all  learn  a  lesson  in  courtesy 

and  the  generosity  of  friendship  from  our  brothers  in  South  America.    I  should 

have  felt  that  my  own  participation  in  this  congress  was  imperfect  and  lacked 

an  important  element,  if  I  could  not  have  met  you,  my  old  friends  of  South 

America,  in  this  gathering,  which  excludes  the  serious  and  the  scientific,  and 

seeks  to  cultivate  and  satisfy  only  the  generous  sentiments  of  friendship. 

Although  his  address  on  the  Codification  of  International  Law  is  contained  in 

Mr.  Root's  Addresses  on  Iniemaiional  Subjects,  it  reinforces  the  views  expressed  by 

him,  as  secretary  of  state,  in  the  address  before  the  Third  International  American 

Conference,  and  its  concluding  paragraphs  are  here  reprinted,  as  a  fitting  close  to 

the  volume  of  addresses  dealing  with  the  relations  of  the  United  States  to  our  sbter 

republics  of  the  South. 

THE  presence  here  of  Dr.  Maurtua,  whom  it  is  a  great 
pleasure  for  me  to  hail  as  a  colleague  in  the  Faculty 
of  Political  and  Administrative  Science  of  the  University  of 
San  Marcos,  at  Lima,  and  of  the  distinguished  Ambassador 
from  Brazil,  my  old  friend  from  Rio  de  Janeiro,  lead  me  to 

291 


292     LATIN  AMERICA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

say  something  which  follows  naturally  from  my  reflections 
regarding  the  interests  of  the  smaller  nations.  It  is  now 
nearly  ten  years  ago  when  your  people,  gentlemen,  and  the 
other  peoples  of  South  America,  were  good  enough  to  give 
serious  and  respectful  consideration  to  a  message  that  it  was 
my  fortune  to  take  from  this  great  and  powerful  republic  of 
North  America  to  the  other  American  nations.  I  wish  to  say 
to  you,  gentlemen,  and  to  all  my  Latin  American  friends 
here  in  this  congress,  that  everything  that  I  said  in  behalf  of 
the  Government  of  the  United  States  at  Rio  de  Janeiro  in 
1906  is  true  now  as  it  was  true  then.  There  has  been  no 
departure  from  the  standard  of  feeling  and  of  policy  which 
was  declared  then  in  behalf  of  the  American  people.  On  the 
contrary,  there  is  throughout  the  people  of  this  country  a 
fuller  realization  of  the  duty  and  the  morality  and  the  high 
policy  of  that  standard. 

Of  course,  in  every  country  there  are  individuals  who 
depart  from  the  general  opinion  and  general  conviction,  both 
in  their  views  and  in  their  conduct;  but  the  great,  the  over- 
whelming body  of  the  American  people  love  liberty,  not  in 
the  restricted  sense  of  desiring  it  for  themselves  alone,  but 
in  the  broader  sense  of  desiring  it  for  all  mankind.  The  great 
body  of  the  people  of  these  United  States  love  justice,  not 
merely  as  they  demand  it  for  themselves,  but  in  being  willing 
to  render  it  to  others.  We  believe  in  the  independence  and 
the  dignity  of  nations,  and  while  we  are  great,  we  estimate 
our  greatness  as  one  of  the  least  of  our  possessions,  and  we 
hold  the  smallest  state,  be  it  upon  an  island  of  the  Caribbean 
or  anywhere  in  Central  or  South  America,  as  our  equal  in 
dignity,  in  the  right  to  respect  and  in  the  right  to  the  treat- 
ment of  an  equal.  We  believe  that  nobility  of  spirit,  that 
high  ideals,  that  capacity  for  sacrifice  are  nobler  than 
material  wealth.  We  know  that  these  can  be  found  in  the 
little  state  as  well  as  in  the  big  one.    In  our  respect  for  you 


PAN  AMERICAN  SCIENTIFIC  CONGRESS       293 

who  are  small,  and  for  you  who  are  great,  there  can  be  no 
element  of  condescension  or  patronage,  for  that  would  do 
violence  to  our  owti  conception  of  the  dignity  of  independent 
sovereignty.  We  desire  no  benefits  which  are  not  the 
benefits  rendered  by  honorable  equals  to  each  other.  We 
seek  no  control  that  we  are  unwilling  to  concede  to  others, 
and  so  long  as  the  spirit  of  American  freedom  shall  continue, 
it  w^ill  range  us  side  by  side  with  you,  great  and  small,  in  the 
maintenance  of  the  rights  of  nations,  the  rights  which  exist 
as  against  us  and  as  against  all  the  rest  of  the  world. 

With  that  spirit  we  hail  your  presence  here  to  cooperate 
with  those  of  us  who  are  interested  in  the  international  law; 
we  hail  the  formation  of  the  new  American  Institute  of  Inter- 
national Law  and  the  personal  friendships  that  are  being 
formed  day  by  day  between  the  men  of  the  North  and  the 
men  of  the  South,  all  to  the  end  that  we  may  unite  in  such 
clear  and  definite  declaration  of  the  principles  of  right  con- 
duct among  nations,  and  in  such  steadfast  and  honorable 
support  of  those  principles  as  shall  command  the  respect  of 
mankind  and  insure  their  enforcement. 


INDEX 


INDEX 


Adams,  John  Quincy,  American  presi- 
dent, xiii,  21,  76,  79,  90,  94,  251. 

Ahumada,  Mexican  governor,  speech  of, 
208  f. 

Alaska,  248. 

Alliances,  traditional  policy  of  the 
United  States  concerning,  86. 

Altriiism,  ideal  of,  244. 

Amazon,  river,  46. 

America,  services  of,  to  the  world's  civi- 
lization, 169  f. 

American  colony,  the,  at  Mexico  city, 
177-181. 

American  Institute  of  International  Law, 
the,  291,  293. 

Andes,  the.  27.  74.  101,  248. 

ApoUonius  Molon,  Greek  orator,  anec- 
dote of,  188. 

Arbitration,  international,  170;  practical 
difficulties  in,  142  f. 

Argentina,  73-102,  235-238,  248,  249, 
264,  272,  275. 

Arias,  Ricardo,  speech  of,  145-148. 

Armenians,  the,  26. 

Arthur,  Chester  Alan.  American  presi- 
dent, 252. 

Artigas,  Jos6,  dictator  of  Uruguay  (1811- 
1820),  64. 

Atheneum.the.at  Montevideo,  Uruguay, 
65-71. 

Austria.  26.  257,  261. 

Bahia,  Brazil,  48-54,  258. 

Bahia  Blanca,  258. 

Banks,  importance  of,  in  securing  South 
American  trade,  255. 

Barbosa,  Ruy,  Brazilian  senator.  32; 
speeches  of,  19-28,  52  flf. 

Barrett,  John,  director  of  the  Pan  Amer- 
ican Union,  153,  232. 

Barrios.  Senator,  speech  of,  130  f . 


Batlle  y  Ord6flez,  Jos6,  president  of 
Uruguay,  speech  of,  60-63. 

Bayard,  Thomas  Francis,  secretary  of 
state,  21. 

Belgium,  248. 

Bismarck.  Otto  von.  German  statesman. 
261. 

Blaine.  James  Gillespie,  American  states- 
man. 5.  21.  42,  91,  232,  252  f. 

Blancos,  Uruguayan  faction,  64,  65. 

Blending  of  races,  effect  of,  238. 

Bolivar.  Sim6n,  Venezuelan  general.  129. 
154. 

Bolivia.  75.  248,  249,  272. 

Borglum,  Gutzon,  sculptor,  232. 

Brazil,  3-54, 166,  219,  23^-244,  248,  249, 
257,  264,  265,  275,  277. 

Bristow,  Joseph  Little,  United  States 
senator,  260. 

Buchanan,  William  Insco.  American 
diplomat,  147,  214. 

Buenos  Ayres,  xiii,  73-102,  257,  258,  273. 

Buffalo  Exposition,  the,  172  f. 

Bureau  of  American  Republics,  estab- 
lishment of  the,  91. 

Byron,  Lord,  236;  characterization  of 
Washington  by,  134. 

Calero,  Manuel,  speech  of,  168-174. 

Calhoun.  John  Caldwell.  American 
statesman,  21,  251. 

Callao,  115,  258. 

Camargo,  Theodomiro  de,  speech  of,  35  f . 

Canada,  110  f.,  257,  261,  265. 

Canning,  George,  English  statesman,  'iS, 
79. 

Capital,  opportunities  for,  in  South 
America,  256  f . ;  investment  of  Ameri- 
can capital  in  Mexico,  201. 

Caribbean  Sea,  the,  55,  159.  258,  272, 
273,  274,  292. 


297 


298 


INDEX 


Carlos,  king  of  Portugal,  219. 
Carnegie,  Andrew,  contributes  towards 

the  construction  of  the  Building  of  the 

Pan  American  Union,  223,  228,  231; 

letter  of,  226  f.;  letter  of  Mr.  Root  to, 

225  f . ;  resolutions  concerning,  227. 
Carnegie  Endowment  for  International 

Peace,  the,  291. 
Cartagena,  Colombia,  153  S.,  258. 
Casasus,  Joaquin  D.,  speech  of,  184-188. 
Castlereagh,  Viscount,  British  premier, 

77,  78. 
Central  America,  60,  117,  264,  266,  272, 

292. 
Central  American  Peace  Conference,  the, 

xiv,  213-218. 
Chamber  of  Commerce,   the,   of  New 

York,  239-244. 
Chamber  of  Deputies,  the,  in  Mexico, 

168-177. 
Charleston,  the,  55,  166* 
Chile,  103-112,  248,  249,  275. 
China,  36. 

Cicero,  anecdote  of,  188. 
Civilization,  the  process  of,  233. 
Clay,  Henry,  American  statesman,  xiii, 

5,  21,  28,  75,  76,  90,  94,  251. 
Cleveland,  Grover,  American  president, 

252. 
CofiFee,  importance  of,  to  Brazil,  41. 
Colombia,  152-155,  160,  166,  248. 
Colorados,  Uruguayan  faction,  64,  65. 
Columbia  School  of  Mines,  the,  257. 
Columbus,  Christopher,  57. 
CoDunerce  and  Labor,  Department  of, 

254. 
Communication,   importance  of  means 

of,  257-267. 
Consular  service,  the,  279  flf. 
Conti,  sculptor,  232. 
Coquimbo,  258. 
Cornejo,     Mariano,     Peruvian    envoy, 

speech  of,  11  f. 
Corral,  Ramon,  Mexican  vice-president, 

speeches  of,  192  f .,  203  f . 
Cortelyou,   George  Bruce,  postmaster- 
general,  265. 


Cortes,  Hern4n,  Spanish  soldier,  56. 

Costa  Rica,  213. 

Credit  system,  the,  in  South  America, 

255. 
Creel,  Enrique  C,  Mexican  diplomat, 

214. 
Cret,  Paul  Phillippe,  architect,  231. 
Cuba,  35,  160,  275,  276,  277. 
Cuellar,  Samuel  Garcia,  Mexican  oflScer, 

162. 

Dakotas,  the,  287. 
Darcy,  Dr.  James,  speech  of,  16  f. 
Declaration  of  Independence,  the,  170. 
Declaration  of  the  rights  of  man,  the, 

57,  64. 
Dehesa,  Teodoro  A.,  Mexican  governor, 

speech  of,  206. 
Demosthenes,  187. 
Diaz,  Porfirio,  Mexican  president,  158, 

161,  167  f.,  172,  181,  192,  194,  202, 

203,  206,  207,  210;  speech  of,  162  ff. 
Dickens,   Charles,  observations  of,  on 

America,  179. 
Drago,  Luis  M.,  speech  of,  xiii,  93-97. 
Drago  doctrine,  the,  95  f . 

Ecuador,  248. 

Elguera,  Federico,  speech  of,  127  ff. 
El  Senor  Root  en  MSxico,  158. 
England,  64,  246,  247,  248,  257,  261. 
Europe,  4,  48,  51,  57,  59,  60,  61,  246,  251, 

256,  257,  258,  259,  270. 
Evarts,  William  Maxwell,  secretary  of 

state,  21. 
Everett,  Edward,  American  statesman, 

21;  note  of,  121  f. 

Federalist,  The,  21,  24. 

Figueroa,  Alcorta,  J.,  president  of  Argen- 
tina, speech  of,  81-84. 

Florida,  75. 

Fodere,  Pradier,  Peruvian  publicist,  135. 

Forsyth,  John,  secretary  of  state,  21. 

France,  57,  64,  100,  190,  221,  247,  257, 
261.  262. 


INDEX 


299 


Franklin,  Benjamin,  American  philoso- 
pher and  statesman,  29. 

Free  ships,  policy  of,  262. 

Frelinghuysen,  Frederick  Theodore, 
secretary  of  state,  252. 

Gama,  Brazilian  commercial  teacher, 
speech  of,  36  ff. 

Gamett,  American  congressman,  78. 

Garrison,  William  Lloyd,  American 
abolitionist,  23. 

Germans,  in  Brazil,  249  f. 

Germany,  57,  100,  190,  247,  257,  261, 
262. 

Gettysburg,  battle  of,  178. 

Gongalvez,  Sigismundo,  governor  of  Per- 
nambuco,  47. 

Grovemment,  functions  of,  132. 

Grant,  Ulysses  Simpson,  American  gen- 
eral and  president,  198,  199. 

Great  Britain,  57,  251,  257. 

Greece,  26. 

Grey,  Lord,  110. 

Guadalajara,  Mexico,  208  ff. 

Guatemala,  213,  272,  273. 

Guimftraes,  Paula,  Brazilian  deputy, 
speech  of,  30  f . 

Hague  Conference,  Second,  in  1907,  3, 
171,  233. 

Hague  Tribunal  of  Arbitration,  the,  158. 

Hamilton,  Alexander,  American  states- 
man, 21,  83. 

Harrison,  Benjamin,  American  president, 
252. 

Harte,  Francis  Bret,  American  author, 
288. 

Hay,  John,  secretary  of  state,  and  author, 
21. 

Hicks,  John,  American  diplomat,  108. 

Hidalgo  y  Costilla,  Miguel,  Mexican 
priest  and  revolutionist,  176,  206,  207. 

Holy  Alliance,  the,  77,  251. 

Honduras,  213. 

Huneeus,  Antonio,  Chilean  minister,  ad- 
dress of,  104-108. 

Huogary,  26. 


Iberian  Peninsula,  the,  51,  240. 

Ibsen,  Henrik,  Norwegian  dramatic  poet, 
16. 

Indians,  7,  47;  passing  of  their  civiliza- 
tion in  Mexico,  209. 

International  Bureau  of  the  American 
Republics,  the,  223. 

Iowa,  287. 

Isolation,  disadvantages  of,  233. 

Italy,  247,  257,  261,  262. 

Jalisco,  Mexican  state,  208. 

Japan,  26,  261. 

Jay,  John,  American  statesman,  83. 

Jefferson,  Thomas,  American  president, 

xiu,  5,  21,  23,  29,  79,  94,  251. 
Jews,  the,  26,  48. 
Juirez,  Benito,  Mexican  president,  176. 

Kansas,  287. 
Kansas  City,  255,  270. 
Kelsey,  Albert,  architect,  231. 
Knox,    Philander   Chase,    secretary   of 
state,  232. 

Laboulaye,  £douard  de,  French  his- 
torian, 134. 

Lafayette,  Marquis  de,  French  general 
and  statesman,  28,  54,  237. 

Lancaster,  house  of,  64. 

Landa  y  Escanddn,  Guillermo  de,  speech 
of,  165  ff. 

Laredo,  210. 

Lima,  113-144.  257. 

Limantour,  Jos^,  Mexican  minister,  161; 
speech  of,  195  ff. 

Lincoln,  Abraham,  American  president, 
94,  174,  178,  198. 

Lobos  Islands,  controversy  concerning, 
121  f.,  126. 

London,  26,  76  f . 

Lota,  258. 

McKinley,  William,  American  president, 

36,  246. 
Madison,  James,  American  president,  21, 

23,  74,  79,  93,  H  *5l. 


300 


INDEX 


Magoon,  Charles  E.,  provisional  gover- 
nor of  Cuba,  147  f . 

Mann,  Horace,  American  educator,  101. 

Marcelino  de  Souza,  Jose,  governor  of 
Bahia,  speech  of,  48  ff. 

Marcy,  WiUia^  Learned,  American 
statesman,  21. 

Marshall,  John,  American  jurist,  xiii,  21, 

Martinez,  Mucio  P.,  governor  of  Puebla, 

speech  of,  204  f . 
Massachusetts,  248. 
Massachusetts  Bay,  51. 
Massachusetts  Institute  of  Technology, 

the,  257. 
Material  benefits,  importance  of,  170. 
Maurtua,  Peruvian  savant,  291. 
Mediterranean,  the,  26. 
Mendez,  Luis,  speech  of,  181-184. 
Merchant  Marine  Commission,  the,  266. 
Mexican   Academy  of  Legislation  and 

Jurisprudence,  the,  181-191. 
Mexican  Country  Club,  the,  177-181. 
Mexico,  50,  152-210,  215,  264,  265,  272, 

273. 
Missouri,  248. 

Mitre,  Emilio,  speech  of,  73-81. 
Mob,  rule  of  the,  141. 
Mogy-Guasu,  the,  river  in  Brazil,  41. 
Monroe,  James,  American  president,  xiii, 

5,  14,  21,  56,  58,  74,  78,  79  f.,  84,  99, 

172,  251,  252. 
Monroe  Doctrine,  the,  xiii,  50,  56,  58,  61, 

74,  79  f.,  117,  172  f.,  243. 
Montague,  Andrew  Jackson,  American 

delegate,  speech  of,  13. 
Montenegro,  Augusto,  governor  of  Pard, 

speech  of,  45  f . 
Montevideo,  55-71,  258. 
Mtiller,  Lauro,  Brazilian  minister   239- 

244. 
Mukden,  battle  of,  171. 

Nabuco,  Joaquim,  the  elder,  47. 

Nabuco,  Joaquim,  Brazilian  ambassa- 
dor, 17,  47,  48,  219,  234;  speech  of, 
3-6. 


National  Convention  for  the  Extension 
of  the  Foreign  Commerce  of  the  United 
States,  address  of  Mr.  Root  at  the, 
269-281. 

Nazareth  de  Arujo,  Galaor,  speech  of,  36. 

Nebraska,  287. 

New  Orleans,  264. 

New  York,  city,  26,  115,  166,  255,  258. 

New  York,  state,  287. 

Nicaragua,  213. 

Norcross,  Orlando  Whitney,  American 
builder  and  contractor,  232. 

North  American  Society  of  the  River 
Plata,  the,  87  f . 

Norway,  257,  261. 

Nuevo  Laredo,  Mexico,  161  f. 

Orient,  the,  264,  270,  286. 

Orizaba,  Mexico,  206  f. 

Oyapoc,  river  in  South  America,  27. 

Pacific  railroads,  the,  263. 
Palacio  Monroe,  xiii,  14. 
Panama,  145-151,  166. 
Panama,  Isthmus  of,  258,  264. 
Panama  Canal,  the.  111,  115,  149,  159, 

271,  275. 
Panama  Railroad,  the,  260. 
Panama  Railroad  Company,  the,  258. 
Pan  American  Commercial  Conference, 

address  of  Mr.  Root  at,  283-293. 
Pan    American    Conference,    First,    at 

Washington,  xii,  225,  229,  252  f.,  291. 
Pan  American  Conference,  Second,  at 

Mexico,  xi,  225,  229,  253. 
Pan  American  Conference,  Third,  at  Rio 

de  Janeiro,  xii,  xiii,  3-14,  173,  224  f., 

229,  253. 
Pan  American  Railroad,  the,  272  f . 
Pan  American  Scientific  Congress,  Sec- 
ond, address  of  Mr.  Root  at,  291  ff. 
Pan  American  Union,  the,  91,  223-234. 
Pard,  Brazil,  44,  45  f.,  258. 
Paranahyba,  the,  river  in  Brazil,  41. 
Pardo,    Manuel,    Peruvian    statesman, 

135. 


INDEX 


301 


Pardo   y   Barreda,   Jos€,   president   of 

Peru,  speech  of,  113  f. 
Paulistas,  39,  40. 
Peaceable  invasion,  189. 
Pemambuco,  Brazil,  47  f.,  54,  258. 
Peru,  11,  12,  113-144.  248,  249,  257,  272, 

275. 
Philadelphia,  29. 
Pious  Fund,  the,  158. 
Pu^cy,  26. 
Pizarro,  Francisco,  Spanish  soldier,  56, 

257. 
Plutarch,  188. 
Political  science,  chief  contribution  of 

the  United  States  to,  141. 
Portsmouth,  New  Hampshire,  26. 
Portugal,  221. 
Prado  y  Ugarteche,  Javier,  speech  of, 

116-123. 
Prussia,  100. 

Public  opinion,  rule  of,  220  f. 
Puebla,  Mexico,  204  f . 
Punta  Arenas,  258. 
Purdie,  Francis  B.,  speech  of,  8&-S9. 
Puritan  element,  the,  in  America,  56. 

Randolph,  Edmund,  American  states- 
man, 21. 

Recife,  »ee  Pemambuco. 

Religious  toleration,  170. 

Reyes,  Rafael,  Colombian  president,  154, 
155. 

Rezende,  Doctor,  speech  of,  41  f. 

Rhodes,  188. 

Ribeyro,  Ram6n,  speech  of,  136. 

Riesco,  Jermdn,  president  of  Chile, 
speech  of,  103. 

Rincon  Gallardo,  Pedro,  Mexican  officer, 
161;  speech  of,  161  f. 

Rio  Branco,  Baron  do,  Brazilian  min- 
ister, 18;  speeches  of,  13,  14. 

Rio  de  Janeiro,  xii,  xiii,  3-35,  40,  55,  58, 
63,  68,  67,  68,  95.  107,  136,  257,  258. 

Rio  de  la  Plata,  27,  56,  74. 

Rio  Grande,  the,  161.  196. 

Rivadivia.  Bernardino,  Argentine  states- 
man, 78, 


Rochambeau,  Comte  de.  French  general, 
237. 

Romeu,  Jos^,  Uruguayan  minister, 
speech  of,  55-58. 

Roosevelt,  Theodore,  American  presi- 
dent, 5,  13,  14,  28,  30,  58,  65,  84,  97, 
108,  114,  115,  117,  135,  158,  163,  1C4, 
166,  171,  172  f.,  185,  193,  198,  205, 
206,  208,  257. 

Roses,  Wars  of  the,  64. 

Rousseau,  Jean  Jacques,  Swiss-French 
philosopher,  236. 

Rush,  Richard,  American  diplomat,  xiii, 
76  f.,  84,  251. 

Russia,  26. 

St.  Louis,  Missouri,  13,  255. 

Salisbury,  Marquis  of,  142. 

Salvador,  213. 

San  Antonio,  Texas,  158,  159  ff. 

San  Francisco,  106,  287. 

San  Marcos,  University  of,  133-144,  291. 

San  Martin,  Jos6  de,  Argentine  general, 
101. 

San  Martfn,  Zorrilla  de,  speech  of,  65-69. 

Santiago,  Chile,  103-112. 

Santo  Domingo,  unhappy  condition  of, 
160,  275  ff. 

Santos,  Brazil,  41^5,  258. 

Sio  Paulo,  Brazil,  35-^0,  54. 

Sarmiento,  Domingo  Faustino,  Argen- 
tine president,  100  f. 

Scandinavia,  16. 

Schurz,  Carl,  American  statesman,  171. 

Sentiment,  power  of.  70. 

Seward,  William  Henry,  American 
statesman,  5,  21,  164,  198,  199. 

Smith,  William,  botanist,  232, 

Solfs,  Juan  Diaz  de,  Spanish  navigator, 
56. 

South  America,  Mr.  Root's  visit  to,  in 
1906,  xi-xiv,  3-155;  Mr.  Root's  ad- 
dresses in  the  United  States  on  topics 
relating  to  South  America,  235-293. 

Spain,  26.  57.  75,  77,  235,  247,  2.57, 
261. 

Steamships,  cost  of  operating,  260. 


'   302 


INDEX 


/ 


Subsidies,  maritime,  261-267,  274,  285  ff. 
Sweden,  221. 

Taft,  William  Howard,  American  presi- 
dent, 148.  232. 

Taney,  Roger  Brooke,  American  jiwist, 
83. 

Tariff,  protective,  274;  maximmn  and 
minimum,  277  ff . ;  discriminating 
tariff  duties,  262  f . 

Texas,  161. 

Thompson,  David  E.,  American  diplo- 
mat, 192-197. 

Tiet4,  the,  river  in  Brazil,  41. 

Tocopilla,  258. 

Trade  expansion,  individual  effort  in, 
283-293. 

Trade  routes,  importance  of.  111,  115, 
149. 

Trans-Mississippi  Commercial  Congress, 
address  of  Mr.  Root  before,  245-267. 

Tucuman,  Congress  of,  75. 

Tuileries,  burning  of  the,  64. 

Turkey,  26. 


Uruguay,  55-71,  249,  264. 
Uruguay,  river,  46. 

Valparaiso,  103,  112,  258. 
Vdsquez-Cobo,  Colombian  minister,  ad- 
dress of,  153  f . 
Venezuela,  74. 

Vera  Cruz,  Mexican  state,  206  f . 
Villardn,  Luis  F.,  speech  of,  133  ff. 

Washington,  city,  273. 

Washington,  George,  American  presi- 
dent, xiii,  21,  23,  28,  83,  94,  101,  129, 
134,  198,  206,  207,  233  f.,  237. 

Webster,  Daniel,  American  statesman, 
5,  21. 

West  Indian  countries,  difficulties  of, 
274-277. 

White,  Andrew  Dickson,  American  dip- 
lomat, 284,  285. 

Wirt,  William,  American  statesman,  251. 

Wotton,  Sir  Henry,  statement  of,  245. 

Yale  University,  182,  187. 
York,  house  of,  64. 


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